
Class ^33^ 

Book i3^-s^/- 



Go[^'rightN?_ 



CDPyRIGHT DEPOSOr. 






r 



"Jill men are Created equal" t/ 



^"^ 



Cbomas leffmon 



The Declaration of Independence and Letters, 

Addresses, Excerpts and 

Aphorisms 



Selected From 
His Writings 
With a 



SHORT BIOGRAPHY 

1^ and t^ 

An Outline of the Two Principal Parties 

2nd COPV, 



1898. 



BY 

RICHARD S. POPPEN 



(^ MAR 9 J8»8^^J 



IVED 






4316 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1898. by 
Richard S. Poppen, in the Oflfice of the Librarian of 
Congress, at Washington, D C. 



The purpose of this handbook is to bring Thomas 
Jefferson, the wisest exponent of true Democracy, closer 
to the hearts of the people, whom he loved so well. 



INDEX 



PAGE. 

APHORISMS 157 

(an outline of the two FARTIES II 

LbIOGRAPHY of THOMAS JEFFERSON.... 17 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 21 

EXCERPTS 153 

Opinion Cannot be Coerced 25 

People Only Safe Depositories of Government 25 

Shackles Not Knocked Off, Will Remain on Us 25 

LIST OF PRESIDENTS 9 

LETTERS AND ADDRESSES 27 

Aaron Burr's Conspiracy; His Views and Objects 80 

Advice to a Student 27 

Advice to Jefferson's Grandson 82 

Age of Experiments in Government 61 

Alien and Sedition Laws 05 

Civil Revolution of 1801 134 

Constitution of United States and Its Defects 35 

Ctiba Should Not Pass to England 141 

Cuba Should Belong to United States 144 

Danger of War With France 66 

Danger to Our System from Encroachments of the Fed- 
eral Judiciary 133, 135 

Decalogue of Canons for Observation in Life 148 



( 



6 INDEX. 

PAGE. 

Difiference Between Adams' and Hamilton's Political 

Frlnciples 94 

Difference Between the Two Parties 46 

Disadvantage of United States Becoming Carriers of 

Foreign Nations 127 

Division of Counties into Hundreds 92 

Duties of the Press' 97 

( Duties of Members of Political Parties 98 

Eastern States Favor King, Lords and Commons 52 

f Emancipation of Slaves 126 

\^ Equilibrium Between Slate and General Government. ... 64 
Europe Should Not be Suffered to lutenueddle with Cis- 

Atlantic Affairs 143 

Evils of National Debt 90 

Evils of the Cheapness of W^hiskey 136 

Evil of the System of Banks 112, 120, 127 

,- Farefwell Address to Jefferson 87 

( Friendly Relations Restored Between Jefferson and Adams 99 

^ Funding of Revolutionary Debt 42 

General Educ ation^ ;^^.^ 92 

Governimeut Is Progressive 125 

Government Should be Remodelled from Tume to Time. . 124 

I Government Should Reflect the Wdll of the People 145 

Great Body of Americans of Democratic Sentiment.... 63 

Hamilton's Financial System 41 

Heads of Federal Leaders Itching for Crowns, Coronets 

and Mitres 52 

/^History of Parties in United States 138 

Jeffersoiijs-Xlerivs on -Doiiieei^c^^— rr. 32 

Jefferson Appointed Secretary of State 37 

Jefferson Urges Washington to Serve a Second Term.... 45 

Jeffersou'si Split with Hamilton 53 

Jefferson Refuses, While in Oflice, to Engage in Money- 

Makijig Enterprises 59 

Jefferson's Retirement from Washington's Cabinet 60 

Jefferson Elected Vice-President 63 

( .Tefferson's Political Faith 69 

Jefferson's First Inaugural 73 

•J Jefferson Originator of the Monroe Doctrine 74 

Jefferson's Policy Towards Federalists 75 



( 



INDEX. 7 

PAGK. 

Jefferson's Second Inaugural 79 

Jefferson Declines a Third Term 81 

Jefferson lief uses Presents While President 86 

Jefferson Ex-presses Delight at Retirement from Office. ... 89 
Jefferson's Address to the Inhalbitants of Albermarle 

County 89 

Jefferson's Relations with Adams 93 

Jefferson's Views on Finance 103 

Jefferson's Views of the National Bank Proposed in 1813. . 109 

Jefferson's Hostility to Banks 113, 122 

Jefferson Tenders His Library to Congress 119 

Jefferson's Fnitli in-4be- People 121 

Jefferson's Views on Government 122 

Jefferson, Father of the Monroe Doctrine 129 

Jefferson's Views on Missouri Compromise 129 

Jefferson's Answer to an invitation to the Fiftieth Anni- 
versary of InLlependence 151 

Judiciary the Corps of Sappers and Miners, Steadily Un- 

derniining the Plights of the States 131 

Mental Caliber of Crownhcads of Europe 91 

(Aloneyed Aristocracy Riding Over the Plundered Plough- 

^ man and Beggared Yeomanry 148 

Necessity of a Navy to Prevent Insult 81 

Necessity of Maintaining the Union 68 

New England States in Favor of Centralization 72 

Nerw England States Opposed to Democratic Principles. . 71 

Organization of University of Virginia 130 

Origin of United States Bank 44 

Pa^tidpation of PeopleinGovernment 36 

Parties In ^Untted-STates 100 

Pei^petual Debt Ruinous to the Countiy 123 

Peipetual Ee-eligibility of President Will Make the Of- 
fice Hereditary 34 

Political Complexion of Different Sections of the Union. 67 
Public Offices Are Not Family Property of the President 75 

Purchase of Louisiana 76 

Rogues LTppenuost In Higher Classes 61 

Seventeen Ninety-six— Eighteen Ninety-six 62 

Shares of United States Bank Taken 39 

Social Condition of United States Compared With that of 

England 114 



8 INDEX. 

PAGE. 

Strong Monarchical Party at the Beginning of Our Gov- 
ernment 14G 

Successful Termination of War with England 120 

Summary of .Tefferson's Public Services 149 

Superiority of Agriculture to Other Pursuits 30 

Superiority of United States to Other Countries 27 

Suspension of Banks 118 

Taxes Must be Uniform 138 

Total Explosion of Banks in 1818 128 

True Policy of the United States 34 

Union of States the Palladium of Their Safety 88 

United States Bank an Enemy of the Government 78 

Unit Must Stand on Both Metals 40 

Washington's Political Principles 102 



PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. 



QEORQE WASHINQTON, 1789-1797. 

(Elected Unanimously.) 



THE DEMOCRATIC OR RE- 
PUBLICAN PARTY. 



3. Thomas Jefferson. 

1801-1S09. 

4. James Madison. 

1S09-1S17. 

5. James Monroe. 

1817-lisi5. 



THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

7. Andrew Jackson. 

1829-1S37. 

8. Martin Van Buren. 

1837-1841. 



11. James Knox Polk. 
1845-1819. 



14. FraiiKlin Pierce. 
1833-1857. 



THE MONARCHICAL 
FEDERAL PARTY. 
2. John Adams. 
1797-1801. 



OR 



THE NATIONAL OR PSEUDO 

REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
6. Jbhn Quincy Adams (son of 
John Adams). 

1825-1829. 



THE WHIG PARTY. 
9. Wm. Henry Harrison (lived 
one month). 

10. John Tyler (a Democrat). 
1841-1845. 



32. Zachary Taylor (lived six 
months). 

J3. Millard Fillmore. 
1849-1853. 



PRESIDENTS— Continued. 



THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 
15. James Buchanan. 
1857-1S61. • 



22. Grover Cleveland. 
1885-1889. 



24. Grover Cleveland. 
1893-1897. 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 



16. Abraham Lincoln. 

1861-1865. 

(Assassinated April 14, 

1865.) 

17. Andrew Johnson. 

1865-1869. 
IS. Ulysses S. Grant. 
1869-1877. 



19. RutheM'ord B. Hayes. 

1877-1881. 

£0. James A. Garfield (lived six 
■momths). 

21. Chester A. Arthur. 

1881-1885. 



23. Benjamin Harrison. 

1889-1893. 



William McKinley. 
1S97- 



AN OUTLINE OF THE TWO PRINCIPAL PAR- 
TIES OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Of the early history of the two principal parties we 
find an outline in Jefife rson's AN ,^S-as follows: 

"The contests of that day (beTore and during the form- 
ation of the Constitution), were contests of principle be- 
tween the advocates -crrrep'ublicaTiT-and-tho^e of kingly 
government; had not the former made the efforts they 
didv-Qur government would have been, even at this early 
day, a very^ifferent thing from what the successful issue 
of those efforts have made it. 

The alliance between the States under the old Articles 
of Confederation, for the purpose of joint defence against 
the aggression o'f Great Britain, was found insufficient, 
as treaties of alliance generally are. All then looked for- 
ward to some further bond of union, which would insure 
eternal peace, and a political system of our own, inde- 
pendent of that of Europe. Whether all should be con- 
solidated into a single government, or each remain inde- 
pendent as to internal matters, and the whole form a single 
nation as to what was foreign only, and whether that na- 
tional government should be a monarchy or rejjitblic, 
would of course divide opinion§",--accQixlingLlD-'th^ consti- 
tutions, the habits, and the circumstances of each individ- 
ual. 

Some officers of the army, as it has always "been said 
and believed (and Steuben and Knox have ever been 
named as the leading agents), trained to monarchy by 
military habits, are understood to have proposed to Gen- 
eral Washington to decide this great question by the 
army before its disbandment, and to assume himself the 
crown on the assurance of their support. The indigna- 



12 THE Two PRINCIPAL PARTIES- 

tion with which he is said to have scouted this parricide 
proposition was equally worthy of his virtue and wisdom. 
The want of some authority which should procure jus- 
tice to the public creditors, and an observance of treaties 
with foreign nations, produced, some time after, the call 
of a convention of the States at Annapolis. Although at 
this meeting a difiference of opinion was evident on the 
question of a republican or kingly government, yet so 
general through the States was the sentiment in favor of 
the former, that the friends of the latter confined them- 
selves to a course of obstruction only, and delay, to every- 
thing proposed; they hoped that nothing being done, 
and all things going from bad to worse, a kingly govern- 
ment might be usurped, and submitted to by the peo- 
ple. The effect of their manoeuvres, with the defective 
attendance of Deputies from the States, resulted in the 
measure of calling a more general convention to be held 
at Philadelphia. At this, the same party exhibited the 
same practices, and with the same views of preventing a 
government of concord which they foresaw would be re- 
publican, and forcing through anarchy their way to mon- 
archy. But the mass of that convention was too honest, 
too wise, and too steady to be bafifled and misled by their 
manoeuvres. One of these was a form of government 
proposed by Colonel Hamilton, which would have been 
in fact a compromise between the two parties of royalism 
and republicanism. According to this, the executive and 
one branch of the legislature were to be during good be- 
havior, i. e. for life, and the governors of the States were 
to be named by these two permanent organs. This, how- 
ever, was rejected; on which Hamilton left the conven- 
tion, as desperate, and never returned again until near 
its final conclusion. These opinions and efforts, secret or 
avowed, of the advocates for monarchy, had begotten 
great jealousy through the States generally; and this jeal- 
ousy it was which excited the strong opposition to the 
conventional constitution; a jealousy which yielded at 
last only to a general determination to establish cer^tain 
amendments as ibarriers against a government either 
monarchical or consolidated." In another place of the 



THE TWO PRINCIPAI, PARTIES. 13 

same book we read: "Before the estaiblishment of our 
present government a very extensive combination had 
taken place in New York and the Eastern States among 
that description of people who were partly monarchical in 
principle or frightened with Shay's rebellion and the im- 
potence of the old Congress. Delegates in different plac- 
es had actually had consultations on the subject of seiz- 
ing on the powers of a government and establish them by 
force; had corresponded with one another, and had sent 
a deputy to General Washington to solicit his co-opera- 
tion. He refused to join them. The new convention was 
in the meantime proposed by Virginia and appointed. 
These people believed it impossible the States should ever 
agree on a government. They therefore let the proposed 
convention go on, not doubting its failure. When Ham- 
ilton's plan of government failed to be carried, and he 
retired in disgust, his associates took every method to 
prevent any form of government being agreed to. But 
the final passage and adoption of the constitution com- 
pletely defeated the views of the combination and saved 
us from an attempt to establish a government over us by 
force. This fact throws a blaze of light on the conduct 
of several members from New York and the Eastern 
States in the convention at Annapolis and the grand con- 
vention. At that of Annapolis, several Eastern 
members most vehemently opposed Madison's proposi- 
tion for a more general convention with more general 
powers. They wished things to get more and more into 
confusion to justify the violent measure they proposed. 
The idea of establishing a government by reasoning and 
agreement, they publicly ridiculed as a Utopian project, 
visionary and unexampled." 

At the first session of Congress (Washington elected 
President) which commenced proceedings under the Con- 
stitution in March, 1789. a bill of rights was framed, rec- 
ognizing "the equality of all men and their rights to life, 
liberty and the pursuit of happiness." DurmgHrlte-pea- 
dency of this bill one party, calling themselves FEDER- 
ALISTS and denounced by the opposition as MON- 
ARCHISTS, endeavored to establish a central govern- 



14 



THE TWO PRINCIPAI, PARTIES. 



/ ment, all powerJiLjiest in the President- and House of 
Congress: the other party, named ANTI-FEDERAL- 
ISTS, and taunted by their opponents as DEMOCRATS, 
or RULERS OF THE MOB, advocated local self-gov- 
ernment and opposed bitterly any extendeB~delegatton 
of authority from the States to the Union. When the 
bill ol rights had been accepted in ten amendments to_J 
the constitution, all opposition was withdrawn and the 
Anti-Federalists, disposed at first to call their party the 

f- DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICANS, named themselves, 
at the suggestion of Thomas Jefferson, tht^ REPUBLI- 
CAN PARTY. George Washington having been unan- 

V^ imously elected and re-elected without a division on 
party lines, the first contest occurred in 1796, 
when the Federalists elected John Adams 
President. He advocated a strong central goverur- 
ment but was accused by his opponents of being a mon- 
archist. Jefferson relates the following incident: "At 
the second election of president and vice-president of the 
United States, when there was a considerable vote given 
to Clinttfn in opposition to Mr. Adams, he took occas- 
ion to remark it in conversation in the Senate chamber 
with Mr. Adams,who, gritting his teeth, said, 'Damn 'em! 
damn 'em! damn 'em! you see that an elective govern- 
ment will not do.' In another conversation he said: 'Re- 
publicanism must be disgraced, sir.' " Mr. Adams dis- 
graced HIS ADMINISTRATION by the passage of the 
"Alien and Sedition laws,"* and that he aimed at a mon- 
archical government is attested by Hamilton, who, during 
a conversation with several gentlemen using the words, 
"Federal government," exclaimed: "O, say the Federal 
monarchy; let us call things by their right names for a 
monarchy it is." In a letter, written to Dr. Rush on 
January i6th, 181 1, JefTerson says: "Mr. Adams gave 
it as his opinion, that if some of the defects and abuses 
of the British constitution were corrected, it would be the 
most perfect constitution of government ever devised by 
man. Hamilton, on the contrary, asserted, that with 
its exist ing vices, it was the most perfect model of gov- 

•See Page 65. 



the; two principai, parties. 15 

ernment that could be formed, and that the correction 
of its vices would render it an impracticable government. 
This was the real line of difference between the political 
principles of these two gentlemen." In a letter to Presi- 
dent Washington, dated September 9th, 1792, Jefferson 
writes: "Col Hamilton's (objection to the constitution) 
was that it wanted a king and house of lords." For- 
tunately for the people, these champions of monarchism 
failed to foist their doctrines into the government of 
this country for the election of Thomas Jefferson to 
the presidency in 1801, gave the finishing stroke to the 
Federal or Monarchical Party. During the ninth Con- 
gress (1805), the Jeffersonian Republicans changed their 
party-name to the DEMOCRATIC PARTY but the 
terms REPUBLICANS and DEMOCRATS remained 
synonymous down to the presidential campaign of 1824, 
when all four candidates claimed to be Repiublicans. The 
Federalists (this name havingbecome offensive to the peo- 
ple), then calling themselves NATIONAL REPUBLI- 
CANS, but named by Jefferson and his followers the 
PSEUDO REPUBLICANS, elected John Quincy Ad- 
ams (son of John Adams) president. This campaign was 
called the "scrub race for the presidency." In 1828 the 
party hnes were sharplv drawn and Gen. Andrew Jack- 
son was elected president. This heing again a triunwh 
of the people s government, the "Democratic Party" then 
became the exclusive and permanent name of the follow- 
ers of Thomas Jefferson, ki.1834 the National RepubH- 
cans changed their name to the WBIGS.^leoting m 1840 
Cen. Wm. H. Harrison president. In the presidential 
campaign of 1852 they appeared for the last time in Na- 
tional politics. In 1856 the opponents of the Democracy 
revived the former name of Jjie. Democratic partv 'bv 
adopting the word REPUBLICAN as their name, which 
they hold to this day. They elected in i860, Abraham 
Lincoln president, and under his administration slavery 
was abolished and the civil war brought to a successful 
termination. 

In a letter written to H. Lee in 1824, Thcnnas Jefferson 
says: Men by their constitutions are naturally divided 



16 THE Two PRINCIPAI, PARTIES. 

into two parties: i. Those who fear and distrust the peo- 
ple, and wish to draw all powers from them into the hands 
of the higher classes. 2. Those who identify-themselves 
with the people, have confidence in them, cherish and 
consider them as the most honest and safe, although not 
the most wise depository of the public interests. In ev- 
ery country two parties exist; and in every one where 
they are free to think, speak and write, they will declare 
themselves. Call them, therefore, liberals and serviles, 
Jacobins and ultras, whigs ^nd t^ries^^repuibJicans and 
federalists, democrats and aristocrats, or by whateveF 
name you please, they are the same parties still and pur- 
sue the same object." If this be true, one is prompted to 
ask: Who are now the LIBERALS; who the SER- 
VILES? Which now is the party that legislates in the 
interest of the ARISTOCRATS and which the party 
that stands for the RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE? 



BIOGRAPHY OF JEFFERSON. 17 



SHORT BIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



Thomas Jefferson the third President of the United 
States and the Father of Democracy (the people's gov- 
ernment), was born April 2, 1743, at Shadwell, Albemarle 
County, in the State of Virginia. At the age of five years 
he was sent to an English school and at nineteen he grad- 
uated from William and Mary's college. The next five 
years Jefferson studied law with Mr. George Wythe, a 
prominent jurist in whom he found a "faithful and beloved 
mentor in youth and most affectionate friend through 
life." In 1768 he was elected from the county of Albe- 
marle to the House of Burgesses and re-elected annually 
until it was closed by the revolution. In 1774 Jefferson 
was chosen a delegate to the State Convention which el- 
ected him in 1775 one of the delegates to the General 
Congress to meet at Philadelphia. On the nth of June, 
1776, Congress appointed Jefferson, Adams, Franklin, 
Sherman and Livingston, a committee to prepare a Dec- 
laration of Independence, and at the request of his asso- 
ciates. Jefferson prepared a draft, which, after few verbal 
alterations 'by them, was taken up for consideration in 
the House on the 28th of June and unanimously agreed 
to on the evening of the 4th of July, 1776. In September 
of the same year he resigned from the General Congress 
to take his seat in the legislature of Virginia, where he 
thought his services were most needed. Of the various 
measures introduced there, were four proposed by Jeffer- 
son which were passed: the repeal of the laws of entail, 
the abolition of primogeniture, the restoration of the 
rights of conscience and relief of the people from 'taxa- 
tion for the support of the established church, and a sys- 
tem of general education. He tried to add to these the 
gradual emancipation of slaves, and trial by jury in the 
courts of chancery, but without success. His bill, howev- 
er, forbidding the further importation of slaves into the 



18 BIOGRAPHY OP JEFFERSON. 

State, was passed without opposition. In 1779 Jefiferson 
was elected governor of his State, declining in 1781 a re- 
election. In 1782 he was appointed by Congress to act 
as one of the plenipotentiaries to negotiate a treaty of 
peace with the mother country, but the business being 
nearly completed before he was reaidy to sail, he was re- 
■called. In 1783 he was again a member of Congress 
where, as chairman of the committee appointed for that 
purpose, he reported the treaty of peace with England. 
In 1784 he was for the second time appointed by Con- 
gress as minister plenipotentiary to assist Franklin and 
Adams in negotiating treaties of commerce with Euro- 
pean States. Jefiferson arrived in Paris in July, and in 
January, 1785, he was selected, as he put it, "to succeed 
Franklin, for no one could replace him." In 1789 he left 
Paris on a leave of absence and on his arrival in Amer- 
ca. President Washington tendered him the office of Sec- 
retary of State. He- accepted it with reluctance and en- 
tered upon his new duties in ]\Iarch, 1790. Jefferson, a 
strong advocate of Democracy, of decentralization or div- 
ision of power, was bitterly opposed to the principal feat- 
ures of the British Constitution; Alexander Hamilton, 
the Secretary of *the Treasury and the acknowledged 
leader of the Federalists, on the other hand, admired the 
English form of government and favored all measures 
that tended to strengthen the executive, and to centralize 
all power in 'the general government, aiming, as he was 
accused by Jefferson and others, at the ultimate estab- 
lishment of monarchy and an hereditary aristocracy: 
Washington again very prudently remained neutral, 
though he was supposed to sympathize more \vii;h the 
Federal than the Republican leader. In 1793 Jefftrson, 
feeling he did not have the exclusive confidence of the 
President, resigned his seat in the cabinet and retired to 
Monticello. In 1796 he was elected Vice-President with 
John Adams to the presidency. The Reign of Terror in 
France caused a reaction in the United States against 
the sympathizers with the French revolutionists, and 
President Adams, mistaking it for a popular sentiment 
against Republicanism, was led into several ill-advis- 



BIOGRAPHY OF JEFFERSON. 19 

ed measures, (to-wit: The alien and the sedition bills, and 
others), which gave the finishing stroke to the Federal 
party; for in i8oi Jefferson and Burr were elected Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, and the Jeffersonian policv of a 
people's government was firmly established. In 1805 
Jefferson was re-elected .by 143 out of 176 electoral 
votes. 

His administration was one of great simplicity; all 
pomp and ceremony he disliked. He rode to the capitol 
alone on horseback, and hitched the bridle of his horse 
to a fence, and instead of opening Congress in person 
with a speech, as in England, and as his predecessors 
had done, he sent his message by his private secretary. 
When Congress gave to the President no title but that 
of office to-wit: "George Washington, President of the 
United states, he wrote to a friend from Paris- "I hope 
the terms of Excellency, Honor, Worship, Esquire w^ll 
forever disappear from among us from that moment- I 
wish that of Mr. would follow them;" and in another let- 
ter he says : "If it be possible to be certainly conscious of 
anything, I am conscious of feeling no difference between 
wri'ting to the highest and lowest being on earth " The 
most important acts during Jefferson's administration 
were the complete extermination of the Algerine pirates 
who, for half a centruy. had preyed upon the commerce of 
the world; the purchase from France o.f the Territory of 
Louisiana for $15,000,000; the reorganization and arming 
of the militia; the reduction of the taxes and the publi? 
debt; and the purchase of the Indians' titles by a fair re- 
muneration. But all these acts, of the greatest importance 
to the material welfare of the United States, pale into in- 
significance compared to the one which has brought and 
will continue to bring slowly, but with irresistibll steps 
happiness to the homes of all humanity: the placing on a 
firm basis the democratic principles of a government "of 

mg of the shackles of money-power and despotism, and 
he raxsmg from the dust the oppressed and the down- 
trodden to manhood, self-respect and independence Let 
Jefferson speak: "Truth and reason are eternal. Thevhave 



20 BIOGRAPHY OF JEPFKRSON. 

prevailed. And they will eternally prevail, however, in 
times and places they may be overborne for a while by 
violence, mlHtary, civil or ecclesiastical. The preserva- 
tion of the holy fire is confided to us by the world, and the 
sparks which will emanate from it will ever serve to re- 
kindle it in other quarters of the globe." 

Jefiferson refused unconditionally to be le-elected for 
a third term, though the Legislatures of five States 
formally requested him to be a candidate. His last sev- 
enteen years he spent in Monticello, devoting his time to 
the erection of a university for young men. He died at 
his home on the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of 
Independence, and on the same day John Adams, his 
predecessor and leader of the Federals, as if foreseeing 
that truth and democratic principles will ever nrevail, ut- 
tered his last words: "Thomas Jefferson still survives." 




UI 

O 

Z 
O 






DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 21 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.— 

JULY 4TH, 1776. 



When, in the course of human events, it becomes nec- 
essary for one people to dissolve the political bands which 
have connected them with another, and to assume among 
the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to 
which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that 
they should declare the causes which impel them to the 
separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men 
are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creatoi 
with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, 
liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these 
rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving 
their just powers from the consent of the governed; that 
whenever any form of government becomes destructive 
of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to 
abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its 
foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers 
in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to efifect 
their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dic- 
tate that governments long established should not be 
changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly 
all experience hath shown that mankind are more dis- 
posed to suffer while evils are sufifora'ble, than to right 
themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are 
accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and 
usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces 
a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is 
their right, it is their duty to throw ofif such government, 
and to provide new guards for their future security. 
Such has been the patient sufiferance of these colonies; 
and such is now the necessity which constrains them 
to alter their former systems of government. The his- 



22 DECI^ARATION Ot" INDElPENDBNCB. 

lory of the present King of Great Britain is a history 
of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in di- 
rect object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over 
these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a 
candid world. 

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome 
and necessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of im- 
mediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in 
their operation till his assent should be obtained; and, 
when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend 
to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accoimmoda- 
tion of large districts of people, unless those people 
would relinquish the right of representation in the Leg- 
islature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to 
tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places un- 
usual, uncomfortable and distant froaii the depository 
of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing 
them into coniinliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeat:"'dly for 
opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights 
of the people. ■ He has refused for a long time after such 
dissolutions to cause others to be elected, whereby the 
legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have re- 
turned to the people at large for their exercise, the state 
remaining, in tlie meantime, exposed to all the dangers of 
invasion from without and convulsions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturali- 
zation of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage 
their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new 
appropriations of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice by re- 
fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary pow- 
ers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone 
for the tenure of their ofifices, and the amount and pay- 
ment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new ofifices, and sent 



DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE. 23 

hither swarms of new officers to harass our people and 
eat out Iheir substance. 

He has kept among us in times of peace standing 
armies without the consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independent of, 
and superior to, the civil power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a juris- 
diction foreign to our constitutions and unacknowl- 
edged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pre- 
tended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed 
troops among us; for protecting them by a mock triil 
from punishment for any murders which they should 
commit on the inhabitants of these States; for cutting off 
our trade with all parts of the world; for imposing taxes 
on us without our consent; for depriving rs m many 
cases of the benefits of trial by jury; for transporting us 
beyond seas to be tried for pretended oii'enses; for abol- 
ishing the free system of Englis:i laws m a neighboring- 
province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, 
and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once 
an example and fit instrument for introducing the sa.ne 
absolute rule into these colonies; for taking away onr 
charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering 
fundamentally the forms of our governments; for sus- 
pending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves 
invested with power to legislate for us in all cases what- 
sover. 

He has abdicated government here by declaring us out 
of his protection, and waging vvar against uj. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt 
our towns and destroyed the lives of our p'eople. 

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign 
mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation 
and tryanny alrc;ady begun with circumstances of cruelty 
and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most baibarous 
ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive 
on the high seas, to ibear arms against their country, to 
become the executioners of their friends and brethren, 
or to fall 'themselves by their hands. 



24 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDKNCE. 

He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and 
has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our fron- 
tiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule 
of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of aM ages, 
sexes and conditions. 

In every sitage of these oppressions we have petitioned 
for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated peti- 
tions have been answered only by repeated injuries. 

A prince whose character is thus marked by every act 
which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler ol a 
free people. 

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British 
brethren. We have warned them from time to time of 
attempts by their legislatures to extend an unwarrantable 
jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the 
circumstances of our emigration and settlement here; we 
have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, 
and we have conjured them by the ties of our common 
kindred to disavow these usurpations which would in- 
evitably interrupt our connection and correspondence. 
They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of 
consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the 
necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them 
as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace 
friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States 
of America in General Congress assembled, appealing to 
the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our 
intentions, do in the name, and by the authority of the 
good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and de- 
clare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought 
to be free and independent States; that they are absolved 
from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all 
political connection between them and the State of Great 
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that 
as free and independent States, they have full power to 
levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish 
commerce, and to do all other acts and things which in- 
dependent States may of right do. 

And for the support of this declaration, with a firm 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 25 

reliance on the protection of divine Providence, wc rnu- 
utally pledge to each other our hves, otir fortunes and 
our sacred honor. 



The Shackles Which Are Not Knocked OfT at the 
Conclusion of this War, Will Remain on Us. 

Monticello, 1781. 
It can never be too often repeated that the time for 
hxmg every essential right on a legal basis is while o-ur 
rulers are honest, and ourselves united. From the con- 
clusion of this war we shall be gomg down hill. It will 
not then be necessary to resort every mcment to the peo- 
ple for support. They will be forgotten, therefore and 
their rights disregarded. Thev will forget .henJd?"s 
but ,n the sole faculty of makin,. n,onev,\nd will neve; 
tlimk of uniting to effect a due respect for their rights 
The shackles, therefore, which rhall not he knocked off 
at the conclusion of this war, will remain on us long 
will be made heavier and heavier, till our rights shall re ' 
Vive or expire in a convulsion ^ ^ 



Opinion Can Not Be Coerced. 

J . -Monticello, 1781. 

men/' "''■^f, ^^°"^ ^hich needs the support .f govc-n- 

coercion Who'" ''n"^ ^' ^?"''- ^''""i''' "P'"-'^ to 
coercion. Whom will you make your inquisitors" Fal- 
hble men; men governed by bad passions, bv private as 
To nror '' '?'""-• ^"' why subject it t'o coerdon 
No morr^/" 7?'''-' But is uniformity desirable? 
i\ o more than of face and stature. Introduce the bed 
of Procrustes then, and as there is danger that the lar^e 
men may beat the small, make us all of a size, by opom^ 
the former and stretching the latter. '"PP"i.^ 

The People the Only Safe Depositories of a Government. 

T Monticello, 1782. 

weaknls^r'^''""''"' ^r" '^''^' '' ^°"^^ ''^'^ ^^ ^"^^^ 
v^eakness, some germ of corruption and degeneracy, 



26 DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE. 

which cunning- will discover, and wickedness insensibly 
open, cultivate and improve. Every government degen- 
erates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone. The 
people themselves, therefore, are its only safe deposi- 
tories. And to render even them safe, their minds must 
be improved to a certain degree. The influence over 
government must be shared among all the people. It 
every individual which composes their mass participates 
of the ultimate authority, the government will be safe; 
because the corrupting the whole mass v^ill exceed any 
private resources of wealth; and public ones can not be 
provided, but by levies on the people. In this case 
every man would have to pay his own price. The gov- 
ernment of Great Britain has been corrupted, because 
but one man in ten has a right to vote for members of 
Parliament. The sellers oi the governmen»t, therefore, 
get nine-tenths of their price clear. It has 'been thought 
that corruption is restrained by confining the right of 
suffrage to a few of the wealthier of the people; but it 
would be more efifectually restrained by an extension of 
that right to such numbers as wo'uld bid defiance to the 
means of corruption. 



LETTKRS AND ADDRESSES. 27 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



[The following letters and addresses, arranged chronologically, 
have been selected for the purpose of familiarizing the reader with 
Jefferson's views and forecasts on such issues of civil administra- 
tion and political economy as were then, and are now, of vital 
importance to the interests of this country; delineating at the 
same time the most important events during his life.] 

Superiority of the United States to All Other Coun'tries. 

Paris, June 17, 1785. 
To James Monroe: 

I sincerely wish you may find it convenient to come 
here;* the pleasure of the trip will be less than you eX' 
pect, but the utility greater. It will make you adore 
your own country, its soil, its climate, its equality, liberty, 
laws, people and manners. My God! how little do my 
countrymen know what precious blessings they are in 
possession of, and which no other people on earth en- 
joy. I confess I had no idea of it myself. While we 
shall see multiplied instances of Europeans going to live 
in America, I will venture to say, no man now living 
will ever see an instance of an American removing to 
settle in Europe, and continuing there. Come, then, and 
see the proof of this, and on your return add your testi- 
mony to that of every thinking American, in order to sat- 
isfy our countrymen how much it is their .interest to 
preserve, uninfected by contagion, those peculiarities in 
their governments and manners, to which they are in- 
debted for those blessings. 



Advice to a Student How to Acquire Education. 

Paris, August 19, 1785. 
To Peter Carr.** 

T trust, that with your dispositions, even the acquisi- 
•tion of science is a pleasing employment. I can assure 

*Jefferson was sent by Congress to Paris as Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary. 

♦•Jefferson's favorite nephew. 



28 I^ETTERS AND ADDRFSSES. 

you, that the possession of it is, what (next to an honest 
heart) will above all things render you dear to your 
friends, and give you fame and promotion in your own 
country. When your mind shall <be well improved with 
science nothing will be necessary to place you in the 
highest points of view, 'but to pursue the interests ot your 
country, the hiterests of your friends, and your own in- 
terests also, with the purest integrity, the most chaste 
honor. The defect of these virtues can never be made 
up by all 'the other acquirements of body and mind. 
Make these, then, your first object. Give up money, 
give up fame, give up science, give the earth itself and 
all it contains, rather than do an immoral act. And 
never suppose, that in any possible situation, or under 
any circumstances, it is best for you to do a dishonorable 
thing, however slightly so it may appear to you. When- 
ever you are to do a thing, though it can never be known 
but to yourself, ask yourself how you would act were all 
the world looking at you, and act accordingly. En- 
courage all your virtuous dispositions, and exercise ihem 
whenever an opportunity arises; being assured that they 
will gain strength by exercise, as a limb of a body does, 
and that exercise will make them habitual. From the 
practice of the purest virtue, you may be assured you 
will derwe the n'.ost sublime comforts in every moment 
of life, and in the moment of death. If ever you find 
yourself environed with dif^culties and perplexing cir- 
cumstances, out of which you are at a loss how to ex- 
tricate yourself, do what is right, and be assured that that 
will extricate you tlie best out of the worst situation. 
Though you can not see, when you take one step, what 
will be the next, yet follow truth, justice, and plain deal- 
ing, and never fear tlieir leading you out of the labyrinth, 
in the easiest manner possible. The knot which you 
thought a Gordion one, will untie itself before you. 
Nothing is so mistaken as the supposition, that a person 
is to extricate himself from a dif^culty, by intrigue, by 
chicanery, .by dissimulation, by trimming, by an untruth, 
by an injustice. This increases the difficulties tenfold; 
and those who pursue these methods get themselves so 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 2\i 

involved at length, that they can turn no way but their 
infamy becomes more exposed. It is of great hnport- 
ance to set a resolution, not to be shaken, never to tell 
an untruth. There is no vice so mean, so pitiful, so 
contemptible; and he who permits himself to tell a lie 
once, finds it much easier to do it a second and third 
time, till at length it becomes habitual; he tells lies with- 
out attending to it, and truths without the world's believ- 
ing him. Tliis falsehood of the tongue leads to that of 
the heart, and in time depraves all its good dispositions. 
An honest heart being the first blessing, a knowing 
head is the second. It is time for you now to begin to 
be choice in your reading, to begin to pursue a regular 
course in it, and not to suffer yourself to be turned to 
the right or left by reading anything out of that course. 
In order to assure a certain progress in this reading, 
consider what hours you have free from the school and 
the exercises of the school. Give about two of them 
every day, to exercise; for health must not be sacrificed 
to learning. A strong body makes the mind strong. As 
to the species of exercise, I advise the gun. While this 
gives a moderate exercise to the body, it gives boldness, 
enterprise and independence to the mind. Games played 
with the ball and others of that nature are too violent for 
the body, and stamp no character on the mind. Let 
your gun, therefore, be the constant companion of your 
walks. Never think of taking a 'book with you. The 
object of walking is to relax the mind. You should, 
therefore, not permit yourself even to think while you 
walk; but divert yourself by the objects surrounding 
you. Walking is the best possible exercise. Habituate 
yourself to walk very far. The Europeanis value them- 
selves on having subdued the horse to the uses of man; 
but I doubt whether we have not lost more than we 
have gamed, by the use of this animal. No one has oc- 
casioned so much the degeneracy of the human body. 
An Indian goes on foot nearlv as far in a dav, for a long 
joiirney, as an enfeebled white does on his horse, and he 
will tire the best horses. There is no habit you will 
value so much as that of walking far without fatigue I 



30 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

would advise you to take your exercise in the afternoon; 
not because it is the best time for exercise, for certainly 
it is not; but because it is the best time to spare from 
your studies; and habit will soon reconcile it to health, 
and render it nearly as useful as if you gave to that the 
more precious hours of the day. A little walk of half 
an hour in the morning, when yon first rise, is advisable 
also. It shakes ofif sleep, and produces other good ef- 
fects in the animal economy. Rise at a fixed and an 
early hour, and go to bed at a fixed and early hour also. 
Sitting up late at night is injurious to the health, and not 
useful to the mind. Having ascribed proper hours to 
exercise, divide what remain (I mean of your vacant 
hours) into three portions. Give the principal to his- 
tory, the other two, to philosophy and poetry. Write to 
me once every month or two, and let me know the prog- 
ress you make. 



The Superiority of Agriculture to xA.ll Other Pursuits, 
And the Necessity of a Navy to Prevent Insult. 

Paris, August 23d, 1785. 
To John Jay: 

The present letter is occasioned by the question pro- 
posed in yours of June the 14th: "Whether it would be 
useful to us to carry all our own productio^^, or none?" 

Were we perfectly free to decide this question, i rhould 
reason as follows We have now lands enough to em- 
ploy an infinite number of people in their cultivation. 
Cultivators of the earth are the most valuable citizens. 
They are the most vigorous, the most independent, the 
most virtuous, and they are tied to their country, and 
wedded to its liberty and interests, by the most lasting 
bonds. As long, therefore, as they can find employ- 
ment in this line, I would not convert them into marin- 
ers, artisans, or anything else. But our citizens will 
find employment in this line, till their numbers, and, of 
course, their productions, become too great for the de- 
mand, both internal and foreign. This is not the case 
as yet, and probably will not be for a consider-jble tirne. 



IwETTERS AND ADDRE;SSES. 31 

As soon as it is, the surplus of hands must be turned 
to something else. I should then, perhaps, wish to 
turn them to the sea in preference to manufactures; be- 
cause, comparing the characters of the two classes, I find 
the former the most valuable citizens. I considtr the 
class of artificers as the panders of vice, and the instru- 
ments by which the liberties of a country are generally 
overturned. However, we are not free to decide this 
question on principles of theory only. Our people are 
decided in the opinion that it is necessary for us to take 
a share in the occupation of the ocean, and their estab- 
lished habits induce them to require that the sea be !-:ept 
open to them, and that that line of policy be pursued, 
which will render the use of that element to them as 
great as possible. I think it a duty in those entrusted 
with the administration of their affairs, to conform them- 
selves to the decided choice of their constituents; and 
that, therefore, we should, in every instance, preserve an 
equality of right to them in the transportation of com- 
modities, in the right of fishing, and in the other u^cs of 
the sea. 

But what will be the consequence? Frequent wars 
without a doubt. Their property will be violated on the 
sea, and in foreign ports, their persons will be insulted, 
imprisoned, etc., for pretended debts, contracts, crimes, 
contraband, etc, etc. These insults must be resented, 
even if we had no feelings, yet to prevent their eternal 
repetition; or, in other words, our commerce on the 
ocean and in other countries, must be paid for by fre- 
quent war. The ju'stest dispositions possible in our- 
selves will not secure us against it. It would be nec- 
essary that all other nations were just also. Justice, in- 
deed, on our part, will save us from those wars which 
would have been produced by a contrary disposition 
But how can we prevent those produced by the wrongs 
of other nations? By putting ourselves in a condition to 
punish them. Weakness provokes insult and injury, 
while a condition to punish, often prevents them. This 
reasoning leads to the necessity of some naval force; thai 
being the only weapon by which we can reach an enemv. 



32 I.BTTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

I think it to our interest to punish the first insuh; be- 
cause an insult unpunished is the parent of many others. 
We are not, at this moment, in a condition to do it, but 
we should put ourselves into it as soon as possible. If 
a war with England should take place, it seems to me 
Oiat the first thing necessary would be a resolution to 
abandon the carrying trade, because we can not protect 
it. Foreign nations must, in that case, be invited to 
bring us what we want, and to take our productions in 
their own bottoms. This alone could prevent the loss 
o'f those productions to us, and the acquisition of them 
to our enemy. Our seamen might be employed in de- 
predations on their trade. But how dreadfully we shall 
suffer on our coasts, if we have no force on the water, 
former experience has taught us. Indeed, I look for- 
ward with horror to the very possible case of war with a 
European power, and think there is no protection against 
them, but from the possession of some force on the sea. 
Our vicinity to their West India possessions, and to the 
fisheries, is a bridle which a small naval force, on our 
part, would hold in the mouths of the most powerful of 
these countries. I hope our land office will rid u^ of our 
debts, and that our first attention then will be to the be- 
ginning a naval force of some sort. This alone can 
countenance our people as carriers on the water, and I 
suppose them to be determined to continue such. 



Jefferson's Mews on Democracy. 

Paris, January i6th, 1787. 

To Col. Edward Carrington: 

The tumults in America* I expected would have pro- 
duced in Europe an unfavorable opinion of our political 
state. But it has not. On the contrary, the small effect 
of these tumults seems to have given more confidence 
in the firmness of our governments. The interposition 
of the people themselves on the side of government has 



♦Rebellion in Massachusetts and New Hampshire under Captain 
Shays in 17S6. Their demand was respite in the judiciary pro- 
ceedings for collecting taxes. 



I,ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 33 

had a great eflfect on the opinion here. I am per- 
suaded myself that the good sense of the people will al- 
ways be found to be the best army. They may be led 
astray for a moment, but will soon correct themselves. 
The people are the only censors of their governors; and 
even their errors will tend to keep these to the true prin- 
ciples of their institution. To punish these errors too 
severely would be to suppress the only safeguard of the 
public liberty. The way to prevent these irregular inter- 
positions of the people, is to give them full information 
of their affairs through the channel of the public papers, 
and to contrive that those papers should penetrate the 
whole mass of the people. The basis of our governments 
being the opinion of the people, the very tirst object 
should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to 
decide whether we should have a government without 
newspapers, or newspapers without government, I 
should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But 
I should mean that every man should receive those 
papers and be capable of reading them. I am convinced 
that those societies (as the Indians) which live without 
government, enjoy in their general mass an infinitely 
greater degree of happiness than those who live under 
the Europe-in governments. Among the former, pub- 
lic opinion is in the place of law, and restrains morals as 
powerfully as laws ever did anywhere. Among the lat- 
ter, under pretense of governing, they have divided their 
nations into two classes, wolves and sheep. I do not 
exaggerate. This is a true picture of Europe. Cherish, 
therefore, the spirit of our people, and keep alive their 
attention. Do not be too severe upon their errors, but 
reclaim them by enlightening them. If once they be- 
come inattentive to the pubHc affairs, vou and I, and 
Congress and Assemblies, Judges and Governors, shall 
all become wolves. It seems ':o he the law of our gen- 
eral nature, in spite of individual exceptions; and ex- 
perience declares that man is the only animal which de- 
vours his own kind; for I can apply no milder term to 
the government of Europe, and to the general prev oi 
'the rich on the ^oor. 



34 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

The True Policy of the United States. 

Paris, August 14th, 1787. 
To Col. Humphreys: 

(After commenting on the unfortunate and threaten- 
ing condition of Europe, Jefferson adds): 

So much for the blessings of having kings, and magis- 
trates who would be kings. From these events, our 
young Republic may learn useful lessons, never to call 
on foreign powers to settle their differences, to guard 
against hereditary magistrates, to prevent their citizens 
from becoming so established in wealth and power, as 
to be thought worthy of alliance by marriage with the 
nieces, sisters, etc., etc., of kings, and, in short, to be- 
siege the throne of heaven with eternal prayers, to ex- 
tirpate from creation this class of human lions, tigers and 
mammoths called kings, from whom let him perish who 
does not say ''good Lord deliver us." 



The Perpetual Re-Eligibility of the President Will 
Make the Office Hereditary. 

Paris, May 2d, 1788. 
To George Washington: 

I had intended to have written a word to your Excel- 
lency on the subject of the new constitution, but I have 
already spun out my letter to an immoderate length. I 
will just observe, therefore, that according to my ideas 
there is a great deal of good in it. There are two things, 
however, which I dislike strongly: i. The want of a 
declaration of rights.* I am in hopes the opposition of 
Virginia will remcciv this, and produce such a declara- 
tion. 2. The perpetual re-eligibility of the President. 
This I fear will make an of^ce for life first, and then 
hereditary. I was much an enemy to monarchies before 
I came to Europe. I am ten thousand times more sq 
since I have seen what they are. There is scarcely an 
evil known in these countries which may not be traced 



*A "Bill of Rights." in ten amendments, was .added to the Con- 
stitution In December, 1791. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 35 

to their king as its source, nor a good which is not de- 
rived from tlie small fibres of republicanism existing 
among them. I can further say with safety there is not 
a crowned head in Europe whose talents or merits would 
entitle him to be elected a vestryman by the people of 
any parish in America. However, 1 shall hope that be- 
fore there is danger of this change taking place in the 
office of President, the good sense and free spirit of our 
countrymen will make the changes necessary to prevent 
it. Under this hope, I look forward to the general 
adoption of the new constitution with anxiety, as neces- 
sary for us under our present circumstances. 

The Constitution of the United States and Its Defects. 

Paris, March i8th, 1789. 
To Col. Humphreys: 

The operations which have taken place in America 
lately, fill me with pleasure. Jn the first place, they 
realize the confidence I had, that whenever our affairs 
go obviously wrong, the good sense of the people will 
interpose, and set them to rights. The example of 
changing a constitution,* by assembling the wise men 
of the State, instead of assembling armies, will be worth 
as much to the world as the former examples we had 
given them. The constitution, too, which was the result 
of our deliberations, is unquestionably the wisest ever 
yet presented to men, and some of the accommodations 
of interest which it has adopted, are greatly pleasing to 
me, who have before had occasions of seeing how diffi- 
cult those interests were to accommodate. A general 
concurrence of opinion seems to authorize us to say, it 
has some defects. I am one of those who think it a de- 
fect, that the important rights, not placed in security by 
the frame of the constitution itself, were not explicitly 
secured by a supplementary declaration. There are 
rights which it is useless to surrender to the government, 
and which governments have yet always been found to 



*The "Articles of Confederation." ratified in 177S, were changed 
to the "Federal Constitution" and adopted by the States in 1789. 



36 LETTRRS AND ADDRESSES. 

invade. These are the rights of thinking, and publish- 
ing our thoughts by speaking or writing; the right of 
free commerce; the right of personal freedom. There are 
instruments for administering the government, so pecu- 
Harly trustworthy that we should never leave the legis- 
lature at liberty to change them. The new constitution 
has secured these in the executive and legislative depart- 
ment; but not in the judiciary. It should have estab- 
lished trials by the people themselves; that is to say, by 
jury. There are instruments so dangerous to the rights 
of the nation, and which place them so totally at the 
mercy of their governors, that those governors, whether 
legislative or executive, should be restrained from keep- 
ing such instruments on foot, but in well-defined cases. 
Such an instrument is a standing army. We are now 
allow^ed to say, such a declaration of rights, as a supple- 
ment to the constitution where that is silent, is wanting 
to secure us in these points. The general voice has leg- 
itimated this objection. It has not, however, authorized 
me to consider as a real defect, what I thought and still 
think one. the perpetual re-eligibility of the -President. 
But three States out of eleven, having declared against 
this, we must suppose we are wrong, according to the 
fundamental law of every society, the law of the major- 
ity, to which we are bound to submit. And should the 
majority change their opinion, and become sensible that 
this trait in their constitution is wrong, I would wish it 
to remain uncorrected, as long as we can avail ourselves 
of the services of our great leader, whose talents and 
whose weight of character, I consider as peculiarly nec- 
essary to get the government so under way as that it 
mav afterwards be carried on bv subordinate characters. 



The Participation of the People in Government. 

Paris, July 19th, T789. 
To M. L'Abbe Arnond: 

We think, in America, that it is necessary to introduce 
the people into every department of government, as far 
as they are capable of exercising it; and that this is the 



LETTERS AND ADDRES55ES. ■^T 

onlv way to insure a long-continued and honest admin- 
istration of its powers. 

I. They are not qualified to exercise themselves the 
executive department, but they are qualified to name 
the person who shall exercise it. With us, therefore, 
they choose this officer every four years. 2. They are 
not qualified to legislate. With us, therefore, they only 
choose the legislators. 3. They are not qualified to judge 
questions of law. But they are very capable of judg- 
ing questions of fact. In the form of juries, therefore, 
they determine all matters of fact, leaving to the perma- 
nent judges, to decide the law resulting from those facts. 
But we all know that permanent judges acquire an 
Esprit de corps; that being known, they are liable to be 
tempted by bribery: that they are misled by favor, by 
relationship, by a spirit of party, by a devotion to the 
executive or legislative power; that it is better to leave 
a cause to the decision of cross and pile,* than to that 
of a judge biased to one side; and that the opinion of 
twelve honest jurymen gives still a better hope of right, 
than cross and pile does. It is in the power, therefore, 
of the juries, if they think permanent judges are under 
any bias whatever, in any cause, to take on themselves 
to judge the law as well as the fact. They never exercise 
this power, but when they suspect partiality in the 
judges; and by the exercise of this power, they have 
been the firmest bulwarks of English liberty. Were I 
called upon to decide, whether the people had best be 
omitted in the legislative or judiciary department, I 
would say it is better to leave them out of the legislative. 
The execution of the laws is more important than the 
making them. However, it is best to have the people 
in all the three departments, where that is possible. 



JefTerson Appointed to the Oflfice of Secretary of State. 

Chesterfield, December 15th, 1789. 
To the President: 

Sir — I have received at this place** the honor of your 



*Heads and tails. 

**Jefferson had returned from Paris to the Un ited States. 



38 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

letters of October the 13th and November the 30th, and 
am truly flattered by your nomination of me to the very 
dignified oi^ce of Secretary of State; for which, permit 
me here to return you my humble thanks. Could any 
circumstance seduce me to overlook the disproportion 
between its duties and my talents, it would be the encour- 
agement of your choice. But when I contemplate the 
extent of that office, embracing as it does the principal 
mass of domestic administration, together with the for- 
eign, I can not be insensible of my inequality to it; and 
I should enter on it with gloomy forebodings from the 
criticisms and censures of a public, just indeed in their 
intentions, but sometimes misinformed and misled, and 
always too respectable to be neglected. I can not but 
foresee the possibility that this may end disagreeably for 
me, who, having no motive to public service, but the 
public satisfaction, would certainly retire the moment 
that satisfaction should appear to languish. On the 
other hand I feel a degree of familiarity with the duties 
of my present office, as far at least as I am capable of 
understanding its duties. The ground I have already 
passed over, enables me to see my way into that which 
is before me. The change of government too, taking 
place in a country where it is exercised, seems to open 
a possibility of procuring from the new rulers, so.ne new 
advantages in commerce, which may be agreeable to our 
countrymen. So that as far as my fears, my hopes, or 
my inclinations might enter into this question, I confess 
they would not lead me to prefer a change. 

But it is not for an individual to choose his post. You 
are to marshal us as may best be for the public good; 
and it is only in the case of its being indififerent to you, 
that I would avail myself of the option you have so kind- 
ly offered in your letter. If you think it better to trans- 
fer me to another post, my inclination must be no ob- 
stacle; nor shall it be, if there is any desire to suppress 
the office I now hold, or to reduce its grade. In either 
of these cases, be so good only as to signify to me by 
another line your ultimate wish, and I shall conform to 
it cordially. If it sfiould be to remain at New York, my 



LETTKRS AND ADDRKSSES. 39 

chief comfort will be to work under your eye, my only 
shelter the authority of your name, and the wisdom of 
measures to 'be dictated by you and implicitly executed 
by me. Whatever you may be pleased to decide I do 
not see that the matters which have called me hither will 
permit me to shorten the stay I originally asked; that is 
to say, to set out on my journey northward till the month 
of March. As early as possible in that month I shall 
have the honor of paying my respects to you in New 
York. In the meantime, I have that of tendering you 
the homage of those sentiments and respectful attach- 
ment with which I am, sir, your most obedient, and most 
humble servant. 



Shares of the United States Bank Taken Immediately. 

Philadelphia, July loth, 1791. 
To Col. Monroe: 

The Bank* filled and overflowed in the moment it was 
opened. Instead of twenty thousand shares, twenty- 
four thousand were offered, and a great many unpre- 
sented, who had not suspected that so much haste was 
necessary. Thus it is that we shall be paying 13 per cent 
per annum for eight millions of paper money, instead 
of having that circulation of gold and silver for nothing. 
Experience has proved to us that a dollar of silver dis- 
appears for every dollar of paper emitted; and, for the 
paper emitted from the bank 7 per cent profits will be 
received by the subscribers for it as bank paper, and 6 
per cent on the public paper of what it is the representa- 
tive. Nor is there any reason to believe, that either the 
six millions of paper, or the two millions of specie de- 
posited, will not be suffered to be withdrawn, and the 
paper thrown into circulation. The cash deposited by 
strangers for safe keeping will probably suffice for cash 
demands. Very few subscribers have offered from Vir- 
ginia or North Carolina, which gives uneasiness to 
Hamilton. It is impossible to say where the appetite 

*The bill establishing- a United States bank, to which Jefferson 
was bitterly opposed, became a law in January, 1791. 



40 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

for gambling will stop. The land office, the Federal 
town, certain schemes of manufacture, are all likely to be 
converted into aliment for that rage. 



The Unit must Stand on Both Metals. 

February, 1792. 
To Col. Hamilton.* 

Dear Sir — I return you the report on the mint, which 
I have read over with a great deal of satisfaction. I 
concur with you in thinking that the unit must stand on 
both metals, that the alloy should be the same in both, 
also in the proportion you establish between the value 
of the two metals. As to the question on whom the ex- 
pense of coinage is to fall, I have been so little able to 
make up an opinion satisfactory to myself, as to be ready 
to concur in either decision. With respect to the dollar, 
it must be admitted by all the world, that there is great 
incertainty in the meaning of the term, and therefore all 
the world will have justified Congress for their first act 
of removing the incertainty by declaring what they un- 
derstand by the term, but the incertainty once removed, 
exists no longer, and I very much doubt a right now to 
change the value, and especially to lessen it. It would 
lead to so easy a mode of paying ofif their debts. Be- 
sides, the parties injured by this reduction of the value 
would have so much matter to urge in support of the 
first point of fixation. Should it be thought, however, 
that Congress may reduce the value of the dollar, I 
should be for adopting for our unit, instead of the dol- 
lar, either one ounce of pure silver, or one ounce of 
standard silver, so as to keep the unit of money a part 
of the system of measures, weights and coins. I hazard 
these thoughts to you extempore and am, dear sir, re- 
spectfully and afifectionately. 



♦Father of the Federal Party and Secretary of the Treasury 
under President Washing^ton. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 41 

Hamilton's Financial System; the Funding of the 

Revolutionary Debt, and the Origin of the 

United States Bank. 

From the Anas. 

'Hamilton's financial system had passed. It had two ob- 
jects: First, as a puzzle to exclude popular under- 
standing and inquiry; second, as a machine for the cor- 
ruption of the Legislature; for he avowed the opinion, 
that man could be governed bv one of two motives only, 
force or interest; force, he observed, in this country was 
out of the question, and the interests, 'therefore, of the 
members must be laid hold of, to keep the Legislature in 
unison with the Executive. And with s:rief and shame it 
must be acknowledged that his machine was not without 
effect; that even in this, the birth of our government, 
some members were found sordid enoucfh to bend their 
dniy to their interests and to look after personal rather 
than public good. 

It is well known that during the war, the greatest 
dil^culty we encountered was the want of money or 
means to pay our soldiers who fought or our farmers, 
manufacturers, and merchants, who furnished the nec- 
essary supplies of food and clothing for them. After 
the expedient of paper money had exhausted itself, cer- 
tificates of debt were given to the individual creditors, 
with assurance of payment, so soon as the United States 
should be able. But the distresses of these people often 
obliged them to part with these for the half, the fifth 
and even a tenth of their value; and speculators had 
made a trade of cozening them from the holders, by the 
most fraudulent practices, and persuasions that they 
would never be paid. In the bill for funding and paying 
these, Hamilton made no difference between the original 
holders and the fraudulent purchases of this paper. 
Great and just repugnance arose at putting these two 
classes of creditors on the same footing, and great ex- 
ertions were used to pay the former the full value, and 
to the latter the price only which they had paid, with 
interest. But this would have prevented the game 



42 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

which was to be played and for which the minds of 
greedy members were already tutored and prepared. 
When the trial of strength on these several efforts, had 
indicated the form in which the bill would finally pass, 
this being known within doors sooner than without, and 
especially than to those who were in distant parts of the 
Union, the base scramble began. Couriers and relay 
horses by land, and swift-sailing pilot boats by sea, were 
Hying in all directions. Active partners and agents were 
associated and employed in every State, town and coun- 
try neighborhood, and this paper was bought up at five 
shillings, and even as low as two shillings in the pound, 
before the holder knew that Congress had already pro- 
vided for its redemption at par. Immense sums were 
thus filched from the poor and ignorant, and fortunes 
accumulated by those who had themselves been poor 
enough before. Men thus enriched by the dexterity of a 
leader, would follow, of course, the chief who was lead- 
ing them to fortune, and become the zealous instruments 
of all his enterprises. 

This game was over, and another was on the carpet, 
at the moment of my arrival; and to this I was most 
ignorantly and innocently made to hold the candle. This 
fiscal manoeuvre is well known by the name of the As- 
sumption. Independently of the debts of Congress, the 
States had during the war contracted separate and heavy 
debts; and Massachusetts particularly, in an absurd at- 
tempt, absurdly conducted, on the British post of Penob- 
scott; and the more debt Hamilton could rake up, the 
more plunder for his mercenaries. Thiis money, whether 
wisely or foolishly spent, was pretended to have been 
spent for general purposes, and ought, therefore, to be 
paid from the general purse. But it was objected, that 
nobody knew what these debts were, what their amount, 
or what their proofs. No matter; we will guess them to 
be twenty million's. But of these twenty millions, we 
do not know how much should be reimbursed to one 
State, or how much to another. No matter; we will 
guess. And so another scramble was set on foot among 
the several States, and some got much, some little, same 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 43 

nothing-. But the main object was obtained, the phalanx 
of the Treasury was reinforced by additional recruits. 
This measure produced the most bitter and angry con- 
test ever known in Congress, before or since the union 
of the States. I arrived in the midst of it. But a 
stranger to the ground, a stranger to the actors on it, so 
long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the sub- 
ject, and as yet unaware of its object, I took no concern 
in it. The great and trying question, however, was lost 
in the House of Representatives. So high were the 
feuds excited by this subject that on its rejection ,busi- 
ness was suspended. Congress met and adjourned from 
day to day without doing anything, the parties being too 
nntch out of temper to do business together. The East- 
ern members particularly, who, with Smith from South 
Carolina, were the principal gamblers in these scenes, 
threatened a secession and dissolution. Hamilton was 
in despair. As I was going to the President's one day, 
I met him in the street. He walked me backwards and 
forwards before the President's door for half an hccur. 
He painted pathetically -the temper into which the Leg- 
islature had been wrought; the disgust of those who were 
called the creditor States; the danger of the secession of 
their members, and the separation of the States. He 
observed that the members of the administration ought 
to act in concert; that though this question was not of 
my department, yet a common duty should make it a 
conmion concern; that the President was the center on 
which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and 
that all of us should rally around him, and support, with 
joint efforts, measures approved by him; and that the 
question having been lost by a small majority only, it 
was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment 
and discretion of some of my friends, might effect a 
change in the vote, and the machine of government, now^ 
suspended, might be again set into motion. I told him 
that I was really a stranger to the whole subject; that not 
having yet informed myself of the system of finances 
adopted, I knew not how far this was a necessary se- 
quence; that undoubtedly, if its reief^Kati «indangered a 



44 i^eTters and addresses. 

dissolution of our Union at this incipient stage, I should 
deem that the most unfortunate of all consequences, to 
avert which all partial and temporary evils should be 
yielded. 

There had before been propositions to fix the seat of 
government either at Philadelphia, or at Georgetown 
on the Po'tomac; and it was thought that by giving it to 
Philadelphia for ten years, and to Georgetown perma- 
nently afterwards, this maght, as an anodyne, calm in 
some degree the ferment which might be excited by the 
other measure alone. So two of the Potomac members 
(White and Lee, but White with a revulsion of stomach 
almost convulsive), agreed to change their votes, and 
Hamilton undertook to carry the other point. In doing 
this the influence he had established over -the Eastern 
members, with the agency of Robert Morris with those 
of the middle States, effected his side of the engagement; 
and so the Assumption was passed, and twenty millions 
of stock divided among favored States, and thrown in as 
a pabulum to the stock-jobbing herd. This added to 
the number of votaries to the Treasury, and made its 
chief the master of every vote in the Legislature, which 
might give to the government the direction suited to 
his political views. 

I know well, and so must be understood, that nothing 
like a majority in Congress had yielded to this corrup- 
tion. Far from it. But a division, not very unequal, 
had already taken place in the honest part of that body, 
between the parties styled Republican and Federal. The 
latter being monarchists in principle, adhered to Hamil- 
ton of course, as their leader in that principle, and this 
mercenary phalanx added to them, insured him always a 
majority in both Houses; so that the whole action of 
Legislature was now under the direction of the Treasury. 
Still the machine was not complete. The effect of the 
funding system, and of the Assumption, would be tem- 
porary; it would be lost with the loss of the individual 
members whom it has enriched, and some engine of in- 
fluence more permanent must be contrived, while these 
myrmidons were yet in place to carry it through all op- 



I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 45 

position. This engine was the Bank of the United 
States. All that hi&tory is known, so I shall say nothing 
about it. While the government remained at Philadel- 
phia, a selection of members of both Houses were con- 
stantly kept as directors who, on every question interest- 
ing to that institution, or to the views of the Federal 
head, voted at the will of that head; and, together with 
the stockholding members, could always make the Fed- 
eral vote that of the majority. By this combination, 
legislative expositions were given to the constitution, and 
all the administrative laws were shaped on the model of 
England, and so passed. And from this influence we 
were not relieved, until the removal from the precincts 
of the bank, to Washington. 

Here then was the real ground of the opposition which 
was made to the course of administration. Its object was 
to preserve the Legislature pure and independent of the 
executive, to restrain the administration to Republican 
forms and priniciples, and not permit the constitution to 
be construed into a monarchy, and to be warped, in prac- 
tice, into all the principles and pollutions of their favorite 
English model. Nor was this an opposition to Gen. 
Washington. He was 'true to the Republican charge 
confided to him; and has solemnly and repeatedly pro- 
tested to me, in our conversations, that he would lose 
the last drop of his blood in support of it; and he did 
this the oftener and with the more earnestness, because 
he knew my suspicions of Hamilton's designs against it, 
and wished to quiet them. For he was not aware of the 
drift, or of the effect of Hamilton's schemes. Unversed 
in financial projects and calculations and budgets, his 
approbation of them was bottomed on his confidence in 
the man. 



Jefferson Urges Gen. Washington to Serve a Second 

Term, and He Delineates the Difference 

Between the Two Parties. 

Philadelphia, May 23d, 1792. 
To the President of the United States: 

Dear Sir — I have determined to make the subject of a 



46 I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

letter what for some time past has been a subject of in- 
quietude to my mind, without having found a good occa- 
sion of disburthening itself to you in conversation, dur- 
ing the busy scenes which occupied you here. Perhaps, 
too, you may be able in your present situation, or on the 
road, to give it more 'time and reflection than you could 
do here at any moment. 

When you first mentioned to me your purpose of re- 
tiring from the government, though I felt all the magni- 
tude of the event, I was in a considerable degree silent. 
I knew that, to such a mind as yours, persuasion was 
idle and impertinent; that 'before forming your decision 
you had weighed all the reasons for and against the 
measure, had made up your mind on full view of them, 
and that there could be little hope of chaiiging the result. 
Pursuing my reflections, 'too, I knew we were some day 
to try to walk alone, and if the essay should be made 
while you should be alive and looking on, we should de- 
rive confidence from that circumstance, and resource, if 
it failed. The public mind, too, was calm and confident, 
and therefore, in a favorable 'state for making the experi- 
ment. 'Had no change of circum&tances intervened, I 
should not, with any hopes of success, have now ven- 
tured to propose to you a change of purpose. But the 
pubHc mind is no longer confident and serene; and that 
from causes in which you are no ways personally mixed. 
Though these causes have been hackneyed in the public 
papers in detail, it may not be amiss, in order to calculate 
the effect they are capable of producing, to take a view 
of them in the mass, .giving to each the form, real or 
imaginary, under which they have been presented. 

It has been urged, then, that a public debt, greater than 
we can possibly pay, before other causes of adding new 
debt to it will occur, has been artificially created by add- 
ing together the whole amount of the debtor and creditor 
sides of accounts, instead of only taking their balances, 
which could have been paid off in a short time; that this 
accumulation of debt has taken forever out of our power 
those easy sources of revenue which, applied to the ordi- 
nary necessities and exigencies of government, would 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



47 



have answered them habitually, and covered us from 
habitual murmurings against taxes and tax-gatherers, 
reserving extraordinary calls for those extraordinary 
occasions which would animate the people to meet them; 
that though the calls for money have been no greater 
than we must expect generally, for the same or equivalent 
exigencies, yet we are already obliged to stram the im- 
post till it produces clamor, and will produce evasion and 
war on our own citizens to collect it. and even to resort 
to an excise law of odious character with the people, par- 
tial in its operation, unproductive unless enforced by 
arbitrary and vexatious means, and committing the 
authority of the government in parts where resistance 
is most probable and coercion least practicable. They 
cite propositions in Congress, and suspect other projects 
on foot still to increase the mass of debt. They say that 
by borrowing at two-thirds of the interest, we mig!it have 
paid off the principal in two-thirds of the time; but that 
from this we are precluded by its being made irredeem- 
able, but in small portions and long terms; that this irre- 
deemable quality was given it for the avowed purpose 
of inviting its transfer to foreign countries. They predict 
that this transfer of the principal, when completed, will 
occasion an exportation of three millions of dollars an- 
nually for the interest, a drain of coin, of which, as there 
has been no examples, no calculation can be made of its 
consequences; that the banishment of our coin will be 
complicated by the creation of ten millions of paper 
money, in the form of bank bills now issuing into circu- 
lation. They think the ten or twelve per cent annual 
profit paid to the lenders of this paper medium taken out 
of the pockets of the people, who would have had without 
interest the coin it is banishing; that all the capital em- 
ployed in paper speculation is barren and useless, pro- 
ducing, like that on a gaming table, no accession to itself, 
and is withdrawn from commerce and agriculture, where 
it would have produced addition to the common mass; 
that it nourishes in our citizens habits of vice and idle- 
ness, instead of industry and morality; that it has fur- 
nished effectual means of corrupting such a portion of 



48 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

the Legislature as turns the balance between the honest 
votei-s, whichever way it is directed; that this corrupt 
squadron, deciding the voice of the Legislature, have 
manifested their dispositions to get rid of the limitations 
imposed by the Constitution on the general Legislature, 
limitations, on the faith of which the States acceded to 
that instrument; that the ultimate obiect of all this it to 
prepare the way for a change from the present Republi- 
can form of government to that of monarchy, of which 
the English constitution is to be the model; that this was 
contemplated by the convention is no secret, because its 
partisans have made more of it. To effect it then was im- 
practicable, but they are still eager after their object, and 
are predisposing everything for its ultimate attainment. 
So many of them have got into the Legislature, that, 
aided by the corrupt sc]uadron of paper dealers, who are 
at their devotion, they make a majority in both Houses. 
The Republican (Democratic) party, who wish to pre- 
serve the government in its present form, are fewer in 
number; they are fewer even when joined by the two, 
three or half dozen anti-Federalists, who, though they 
dare not avow it, are still opposed to any general gov- 
ernment; but, being less so to a Republican than a 
monarchical one, they naturally join those whom they 
think pursuing the lesser evil. 

Of all the mischiefs objected to the system of measures 
before mentioned, none is so afflicting and fatal to every 
honest hope, as the corruption of the Legislature. As it 
was the earliest of these measures, it became the instru- 
ment for producing the risk, and will be the instrument for 
producing in future a king, lords and commons, or what- 
ever else those who direct it may choose. Withdrawn 
such a distance from the eye of their constituents, and 
these so dispersed as to be inaccessible to public informa- 
tion, and particularly to that of the conduct of their own 
representatives, they will form the most corrupt govern- 
ment on earth, if the means of their corruption be not 
prevented. The only hope of safety hangs now on the 
numerous representation which is to come forward the 
ensuing year. Some of the new members will be, proba- 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 49 

bly, either in principle or interest, with the present ma- 
jority; but it is expected that the great mass will form an 
accession to the Republican party. They will not be 
able to undo all which the two preceding Legislatures, 
and especially the first, have done. Public faith and light 
will oppose this. But some parts of the system may be 
rightfully reformed, a liberation from the rest unremit- 
tingly pursued as fast as right will permit, and the door 
shut in future againist similar commitments of the nation. 
Should the next Legislature take this course, it \yill draw 
upon them the whole monarchical and paper interest; 
but the latter, I think, will not go all lengths with the 
former, because creditors will never, of their own accord, 
fly off entirely from their debtors; therefore, this is the al- 
ternative least likely to produce convulsion. But should 
the majority of the new members be still in the same 
principles with the present, and show that we have noth- 
ing to expect but a continuance of the same practices, it 
is not easy to conjecture what would be the result, nor 
what means would be resorted to for correction of the 
evil. True wisdom would direct that they should be 
temperate and peaceable; but the division of sentiment 
and interest happens unfortunately to be so geog'raphical, 
that no mortal can say that what is most wise and tem- 
perate would prevail against what is most easy and 
obvious? I can scarcely contemplate a more incalcula- 
ble evil than the breaking of the Union into two or more 
parts. Yet when we consider the mass which opposed 
the original coalescence; when we consider that it lay 
chiefly in the Southern quarter; that the Legislature have 
availed themselves of no occasion of allaying it, but on the 
contrary, whenever Northern and Southern prejudices 
have come into conflict, the latter have been sacrificed 
and 'the former soothed; that the owers of the debt are in 
the Southern, and the holders of it in the Northern divi- 
sion; that the anti-Federal champions are now strength- 
ened in argument by the fulfillment of their predictions; 
that this has been brought about by the monarchical 
Federalists themselves, who, having been for the new 
government merely as a stepping stone to monarchy. 



50 I,ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

have themselves adopted the very constructions of the 
Constitution, of which, when advocating its acceptance 
before the tribunal of the people, they declared it unsus- 
ceptible; that the Republican Federalists who espoused 
the same government for its intrinsic merits, are disarmed 
of their weapons; that which they denied as prophecy, 
having now become true history, who can be sure that 
these things may not proselyte the small number which 
•was wanting 'to place the majority on the other side? 
And this is the event at which I tremble, and to prevent 
which I consider your continuing at the head of affairs 
as of the last importance. The confidence of the whole 
Union is centered in you. Your 'being at the helm will 
be more than an answer to every argument which can 
be used to alarm and lead the people in any quarter, into 
violence and secession. North and South will hang to- 
gether if they have you to hang on; and if the first correc- 
tion of a numerous representation should fail in its effect, 
your presence will give time for trying others, not incon- 
sistent with the union and peace of the States. 

I am perfectly aware of the oppression under which 
your present office lays your mind, and of the ardor with 
which you pant for domestic life. But there is some- 
times an eminence of character on which society have 
such peculiar claims as to control the predelictions of the 
individual for a particular walk of happiness, and re- 
strain him to that alone arising from the present and fu- 
ture benedictions of mankind. This seems to be your 
condition, and the law imposed on you by Providence in 
forming your character, and fashioning the events on 
which it was to operate; and it is to motives like these, 
and not to personal anxieties of mine or others who have 
no right to call on you for sacrifices that I appeal and 
urge a revisal of it, on the ground of change in the 
aspect of things. Should an honest majority result from 
the new and enlarged representation; should those ac- 
quiesce whose principles or interest they may control, 
your wishes for retirement would be gratified with less 
danger, as soon as that shall be manifest, without await- 
ing the completion of the second period of four years. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 51 

One or two sessions will determine the crisis; and I can 
not but hope that you can resolve to add more to the 
many years you have already sacrificed to the good of 
mankind. 

The fear of suspicion that any selfish motive of contin- 
uance in olifice may enter into this solicitation on my 
part, obliges me to declare that no such motive exists. 
It is a thing of mere indifference to the pubhc whether I 
retain or relinquish my purpose of closing my tour with 
the first periodical renovation of the government. I 
know my own measure too well to suppose that my 
services contribute anything to the pubUc confidence, or 
the public utility. Multitudes can fill the office in which 
you have been pleased to place me, as much to their ad- 
vantage and satisfaction. I have, therefore, no motive 
to consult but my own inclination, which is bent irre- 
sistibly on the tranquil enjoyment of my family, my 
farm and my books. I should repose among them, it is 
true, in far greater security, if I were to know that you 
remained at the watch; and I hope it will be so. To the 
inducements urged irom a view of O'ur domestic affairs, 
I will add a bare mention of what indeed need only to 
be mentioned, that weighty motives for your continuance 
are to be found in our foreign affairs. I think it proba- 
ble that both the Spanish and English negotiations, if 
not completed before your purpose is known, will be 
suspended from the moment it is known, and the latter 
nation will then use double diligence in fomenting the 
Indian war. 

With my wishes for the future, I shall at the same time 
express my gratitude for 'the past, at least my portion of 
it; and beg permission to follow you, whether in public or 
private life, with those sentiments of sincere attach- 
ment and respect, with which I am unalterably, dear sir, 
your affectionate friend and humble servant. 



52 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

The Eastern States in Favor of a King, Lords and 

Commons. 
Philadelphia, June i6th, 1792. 
To M. de La Fayette: 

Behold you then, my dear friend, at the head of a great 
army establishing the liberties of your country against a 
foreign enemy. May heaven favor your cause, and make 
you the channel through which it may pour its favors. 
While you are exterminating the monster aristocracy 
and pulling out the teeth and fangfs of its associate, 
monarchy, a cont^rary tendency is discovered in some 
here. A sect has shown itself among us, who declare 
they espoused our new constitution, not as a good and 
sufficient thing itself, but only as a step to an English 
constitution, the only thing good and sufficient in itself, 
in their eye. It is happy for us that these are preachers 
without followers, and that our people are firm and v*on- 
stant in their Republican purity. You will wonder to be 
told that it is from the Eastward chiefiy that these cham- 
pions for a king, lords and commons, come. They get 
some important associates from New York, and are 
pufTed up by a tribe of stock jobbers which have been 
hatched in a bed of corruption made up after the model 
of their beloved England. Too many of these stock 
jobbers and king jobbers have come into our Legisla- 
ture, or rather too many of our Legislature have become 
stock jobbers and king jobbers. However, the vcice of 
the people i's beginning to make itself heard, and will 
probably cleanse their seats at the ensuing election. 



The Heads of the Federal Leaders are Itching for 
Crowns, Coronets and Mitres. 

Philadelphia, June 19th, 1792. 
To Thomas Paine : 

Dear Sir — I received with great pleasure the present 
of your pamphlets, as well for the thing itself, as that it 
was a testimony of your recollection. Would you be- 
lieve it possible that in this country there should be high 
and important characters who need your lessons in Re- 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



53 



publicanism, and who do not heed them? It is but too 
true that we have a sect preaching up and pouting after 
an EngHsh constitution of king, lords and commons, and 
whose heads are itching for crowns, coronets and rnitres. 
But our people, my good friend, are firm and unanimous 
in their principles of Republicanism and there is no bet- 
ter proof of it than that they love what you write, and 
read it with delight. The printers season every news- 
paper with extracts from your last, as they did before 
from your first part of the Rights of Man. They have 
both served here to separate the wheat from the chaff, 
and to prove that though the latter appears on the sur- 
face, it is on the surface only. The bulk below is sound 
and pure. Go on then in doing with your pen what in 
other times was done with the sword; show that reforma- 
tion is more practicable by operating on the mind than 
on the body of man, and be assured that it has not a 
more sincere votary nor you a more ardent well-wisher 
than yours, etc. 

Jeflferson's Split With Hamilton. 

Monticello, September 9th, 1792. 
To the President of the United States : 

I now take the liberty of proceeding 10 that part of 
your letter wherein you notice the internal dissens.'ons 
which have taken place within our governmenr, and their 
disagreeable efifect on its movements. That such dis- 
sensions have taken place is certain, and even among 
those who are nearest to you in the administration. To 
no one have they given deeper concern than myself; to 
no one equal mortification at being mvself a part of them. 
Tho_ugh I take to myself no more than my share oF the 
general observations of your letter, yet I am so «lesiroi'S 
ever that you should know the whole truth, and believe 
no more than the truth, that I am glad to seize every 
occasion of developing to you whatever I do or think 
relative to the government; and shall, therefore, ask per- 
mission to be more lengthy now than the occasion par- 
ticularly calls for, or could otherwise perhaps justify. 



54 I^ETTERS AND ADDRKSSES. 

When I embarked in the government, it was with a de- 
termination to intermeddle not at all with the Leg'isiaturo, 
and as little as possible with my co-departments. The 
first and only instance of variance from the former part 
of my resolution, I was duped into by the Secretary of 
the Treasury, and made a tool for forwarding his schemes, 
not then sufficiently understood by me; and of all -the 
errors of my political life, this has occasioned me the 
deepest regret. It has ever been my purpose to explain 
this to you, when, from being actors on the scene, we shall 
have become uninterested spectators only. The second 
part of my resolution has been religiously observed with 
the War Department; and as to that of the Treasury, 
has never been farther swerved from than by the mere 
enunciation of my sentiments in conversation, and chiefly 
among those who, expressing the same sentiments, drew 
mine from me. If it has been supposed that I have ever 
intrigued among the members of the Legislature to de- 
feat the plans of the Secretary of the Treasury, it is con- 
trary to* all truth. As I never had the desire to influence 
the memibers, so neither had I any other means than my 
friendships, which I valued too highly to risk b} usurpa- 
tion on their freedom of judgment, and the conscientious 
pursuit of their own sense of duty. That I have utterly, 
in my private conversations, disapproved of the system of 
the Secretary of the Treasury, I acknowledge and avow; 
and this was not merely a speculative difference. His 
system flowed from principles adverse to liberty, and was 
calculated to undermine and demolish the Republic, by 
creating an influence of his department over the members 
of the Legislature. I saw this influence actually pro- 
duced, and its first fruits to be the establishment of the 
great outlines of his project by the votes of the very per- 
sons who, having swallowed his bait, were layiag them- 
selves out to profit by his plans; and that had these per- 
sons withdrawn, as those interested in a question ever 
should, the vote of the disinterested majority was clear- 
ly the 'reverse of what they made it. These were no 
longer the votes then of the representatives of the peo- 
ple, but of deserters from the rights and interests of the 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



55 



people; and it was impossible to consider their deci- 
sions, which had nothing in view but to enrich them- 
selves, as the measures of the fair majority, which ought 
always to be respected. If, what was actually doing, 
begat uneasiness in those who wished for virtuous gov- 
ernment, what was further proposed was not less threat- 
ening to the friends of the Constitution. For, in a report 
on the subject of manufactures (still to be acted on), it 
was expressly assumed that the General Government has 
a right to exercise all powers which may be for the gen- 
eral welfare, that is to say, all the legitimate powers of 
government; since ho government has a legitimate right 
to do what is not for the welfare of the governed. There 
was, indeed, a sham limitation of the universality of this 
power to cases where money is to be employed. But 
about what is it that money can not be employed? Thus 
the object of these plans, taken together, is to draw all 
the powers of government into the hands of the general 
Legislature, to establsh means for corrupting a sufficient 
corps in that Legislature to divide the honest votes, and 
preponderate, by their own, the scale which suited ,and 
to have the corps imder the command of the Secretary of 
the Treasury, for the purpose of subverting, step by step, 
the principles of the Constitution which he has so often 
declared to be a thing of nothing, which must be changed. 
Such views might have justified something more than 
mere expressions of dissent, beyond which, nevertheless, 
I never went. Has abstinence from the department, 
committed to me, been equally observed by him? To 
say nothing of other interferences equally known, in the 
case of the two nations, with which we have the most 
intimate connection, France and England, my system was 
to give some satisfactory distinctions to the former, of lit- 
tle cost to us, in return for the solid advantages yielded 
us by them; and to have met the English with some re- 
strictions which might induce them to abate their severi- 
ties against our commerce. I have always supposed 
this coincided with your sentiments. Yet the Secretary 
of the Treasury, by his cabals with memibers of the Leg- 
islature, and by high-toned declamations on other occa- 



56 I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

sions, has forced down his own system, which was ex- 
actly the reverse. He undertook, of his own authority, 
the conferences with the ministers of those two nations, 
and was, on every consultation, provided with some re- 
port of a conversation with the one or the other of them, 
adapted lo his views. These views, thus made to pre- 
vail, their execution fell, of course, to me; and I can 
safely appeal to you, who have seen all my letters and 
proceedings, whether I have not carried them into execu- 
tion as sincerely as if they had been my own, though I 
ever considered them as incoinsis'tent with the honor and 
interest of our country. That they have been inconsist- 
ent with our interest is but too fatally proved by the stab 
to our navigation given by the French. So that if the 
question be by whose fault is it that Col. Hamilton and 
myself have not drawn together, the answer wall depend 
on that to two other questions, whose principles of ad- 
ministration best justify, by their purity, conscientious 
adherence? And which of us has, notwithstanding, 
stepped furthest into the control of the department of the 
other? 

To this justification of opinions, expressed in the way 
of conversation, against the views of Col. Hamilton, 1 
beg leave to add some notice of his late charges against 
me in Fenno's Gazette; for neither the style, matter, nor 
venom of the pieces alluded to, can leave a doubt of their 
author. Spelling my name and character at full length 
to the public, while he conceals his own under the signa- 
ture of "An American," he charges me, first, with having 
written letters from Europe to my friends to oppose the 
present Constitution, while dependine; second, with a 
desire of not paying the public debt; third, with setting 
up a paper to decry and slander the government, i. 
The first charge is most false. No man in the United 
States, I suppose, approved of everv tittle in the Con- 
stitution; no one, I believe, approved more of it than I 
did, and more of it was certainly disapproved by my ac- 
cuser than by me, and of its parts most vitally Republi- 
can. Of this the few letters I wTote on the subject (not 
half a dozen I believe) will be a proof; and for my own 



tETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



57 



satisfaction and justification, I must tax you with the 
reading of them when I return to where they are. You 
will there see 'that my objection to the Constitution was, 
that it wanted a bill of rights securing freedom of re- 
ligion, freedom of the press, freedom from standing 
armies, trial bv jurv, and a constant habeas corpus act. 
Col. Hamilton's was, that it wanted a king and house of 
lords. The sense of America has approved my objection 
and added the bill of rights, not the king and lords. I 
also thought a longer term of service, insusceptible of 
renewal, would have made a President more independent. 
My country has thought otherwise, I have acquiesced 
implicitly. He wishes the General Government should 
have power to make laws binding the States in all cases 
whatsoever. Our country has thought otherwise; has 
he acquiesced? Notwithstanding my wish for a bill of 
rights, my letters strongly urged the adoption of the 
Constitution, by nine States at least, 'to secure the good 
it contained. I at first thought that the best method of 
securing the bill of rights 'would be for four States to hold 
ofif till such a bill should be agreed to. But the moment 
I saw Mr. Hancock's proposition to pass the Consti- 
tution as it stood, and give perpetual instructions to the 
representatives of every State to insist on a bill of rights, 
I acknowledged the superiority of his plan and advo- 
cated universal adoption. 2. -The second charge is equal- 
ly untrue. My whole correspondence while in France, 
and every word, letter and act on tlie subject, since my 
return, prove that no man is more ardently intent to see 
the public debt soon and sacredly paid off than I am. 
This exactly marks the difference between Col. Hamil- 
ton's views and mine, that I would wish the debt paid 
to-morrow; he wishes it never to be paid, but always to 
be a thing wherewith to corrupt and manage the Legis- 
lature. 3. I have never enquired what number of 
sons, relatives and friends of Senators, Representatives, 
printers or other useful partisans Col. Hamilton has pro- 
vided for among the hundred clerks of his department, 
the thousand excisemen, at his nod, and spread over the 
Union: nor could ever have imagined that the man who 



58 I.ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

has the shuffling of milHons backwards and forwards 
from paper into money and money into paper, from 
Europe to America, and America to Europe, the deahng 
out of treasury secrets among his friends in what time 
and measure he pleases, and who never shps an occa- 
sion of making friends with his means, that such a one, 
I say, would have brought forward a charge against me 
for having appointed the poet, Freneau, translating clerk 
to my ofhce, with a salary of $250 a year. 

Col. Hamilton can see no motive for any appointment, 
but that of making a convenient partizan. But you, sir, 
who have received from me recommendations of a Ritten- 
house, Barlow, Paine, will believe that talents and 
science are sufficient motives with me in appointments to 
which they are fitted, and that Freneau, as a man of 
genius might find a preference in my eye to be a trans- 
lating clerk, and make good title to the little aids I could 
give him as the editor of a gazette, by procuring sub- 
scriptions to his paper, as I did some before it appeared 
and as I have with pleasure done for the labors of 
other men of genius. I hold it to be one of the dis- 
tinguishing excellences of elective over hereditary suc- 
cessions, that the talents which nature has provided in 
sufficient proportion, should be selected by the society 
for the government of their affairs, rather than that this 
should be transmitted through the loins of knaves and 
fools, passing from the debauches of the table to those of 
the bed. So much for the past, a word now of the future. 

When I came into this office, it was with a resolution 
to retire from it as soon as I could with decency. It 
pretty early appeared to me that the proper moment 
would be the first of those epochs at wliich tlie Constitu- 
tion seems to have contemplated a periodical change or 
renewal of the public servants. To a thorough disre- 
gard of the honors and emoluments of office, I join as 
great a value for the esteem of my countrymen, and con- 
scious of having merited it by an integrity which can not 
be reproached, and by an enthusiastic devotion to their 
rights and liberty, I will not suffer my retirement to be 
clouded by the slanders of a man whose history, from 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 59 

the moment at which history can stoop to notice him, 
is a tissue of machinations against the Uberty of the 
country, which has not only received and given him 
bread, but heaped its honors on his head. Though httle 
known to the people of America,! believe that as far as 
I am known, it is not as an enemy to the Republic, nor 
an intriguer against it. nor a waster of its revenue, nor 
prostitutor of it to the purposes of corruption, as the 
"American" represents me. 

Jefferson Refuses to Engage in a Money-Making 
Enterprise While in Public Office. 

Philadelphia, March i8th, 1793. 
To * 

Dear Sir — I received your kind favor of the 26th ult., 
and thank you for its contents as sincerely as if I could 
engage in what they propose. When I first entered the 
stage of public life (now twenty-four years ago), I came 
to a resolution never to engage while in public office in 
any kind of enterprise for the improvement of my for- 
tune, nor to wear any other character than that of a 
farmer. I have never departed from it in a single in- 
stance; and I have in multiplied instances found myself 
happy in being able to decide and to act as a public ser- 
vant, clear of all interest, in the multiform questions that 
have arisen, wherein I have seen others embarrassed 
and biased by having got themselves into a more in- 
terested situation. Thus I have thought myself richer 
in contentment than I should have been with any increase 
of fortune. Certainly I should have been much wealthier 
had I remained in that private condition which renders it 
lawful and even laudable to use proper efforts to better 
it. However, my public career is now closing, and I 
will go through on the principle on which I have hitherto 
acted. But I feel myself under obligations to repeat 
my thanks for this mark of your attention and friendship. 

We have just received here the news of the decapita- 



*No address. 



60 LETTERS AND ADDRESSBS. 

tion of the King of France. Should the present foment 

in Europe not produce Republics everywhere, it will at 
least soften the monarchical governments by rendering 
inonarchs amenable to punishment like other criminals, 
and doing away that rage of insolence and oppression, 
the inviolability of the King's person. We, I hope, 
shall adhere to our Republican government, and keep it 
to its original principles by narrowly watching it. I am, 
with great and sincere aflfection, dear sir, your friend 
and servant. 



Jefiferson's Retirement from Gen. Washington's Cabinet. 

Philadelphia, December 31, 1793. 
To the President of the United States : 

Dear Sir — Having had the honor of communicating 
to you in my letter of the last of Julv, mv purpose of re- 
tiring from the office of Secretarv of State at the end of 
the month of September, you were pleased, for particular 
reasons, to wish its postponement to the close of the year. 
That term being now arrived and my propensities to re- 
tirement becoming daily more and more irresistible, I 
now take the liberty of resigning- the office into your 
hands. Be pleased to accept with it mv sincere thanks 
for all the indulgences which you have been so good as 
to exercise towards me in the discharge of its duties. Con- 
scious that my need of them has been great, I have still 
ever found them greater, without anv other claim on my 
part than a firm pursuit of what has apoeared to me to 
be right and a thorough disdain of all means which were 
not as open and honorable as their object was pure. I 
carry into my retirement a livelv sense of vour goodness 
and shall continue gratefully to remember it. With 
very sincere prayers for your life, health and tranquility, 
I pray you to accept the homage of the o-reat and con- 
stant respect and attachment with whicn I have the hon- 
or to be. dear sir. your most obedient and most humble 
servant. 



I^ETTERvS AND ADDRESSES. 61 

An Age of Experiments in Government. 

Monticello, Fe'b. 6, 1795. 
To .M. D'lvernois: 

We have chanced to hve in an age which will probably 
be distinguished in history for its experiments in govern- 
ernment on a larger scale than has yet taken place. But 
we shall not live to see the result. The grosser absurdi- 
ties, such as hereditary magistracies, we shall see explod- 
ed in our day, long experience having already pronoun- 
ced condemnation against them. But what is to be the 
substitute? This our children or grand-children will an- 
swer. We may be satisfied with the certain knowledge 
that none can ever be tried, so stupid, so unrighteous, so 
oppressive, so destructive of every end for which honest 
men enter into government, as that which their forefath- 
ers had established and their fathers alone venture to tum- 
ble headlong from the stations thev have so long abused. 
It is unfortunate that 'the efforts of mankind to recover 
the freedom of which they have been sO' long deprived will 
be accompanied with violence, with errors, and even with 
crimes. But while we weep over the means we must pray 
for the end. 



Rogues Are Uppermost in the Higher Classes. 

Monticello, Aug. 30, 1795. 
To Mann Page: 

I do not believe with the Rochefoucaults and Mo-n- 
taignes* that fourteen out of fifteen men are rogues; I 
believe a great abatement from that pro,portion may be 
made in favor of general honesty. But I have always 
found that rogues would be uppermost, and I do not 
know that the proportion is too strong for the higher 
orders, and for those who', rising above the swiinish mul- 
titude, always contrive to nestle themselves into the 
places of power and profit. These rogues set out with 
stealing the^ people's good opinion, and then steal from 
them the right of withdrawing it, by contriving laws 
*Bochefoucault and Montaigne, two French philosophers. 



62 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

and associations against the power of the people them- 
selves. 



1796 — 1896. 

Monticello, August 24th, 1796. 
To Philip Mazzei: 

The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed 
since you left us. In place of that noble love of liberty, 
and Republican government, which carried us tri- 
umphantly through the war, an Anglican monarchical 
and aristocratical party has sprung up, whose avowed 
object is to draw over us the substance, as they have al- 
ready done the forms, of the British government. The 
main body of our citizens, however, remain true to their 
Republican principles; the whole landed interest is Re- 
publican, and so is a great mass of talents. Against us 
are the executive, the judiciary, two out of three 
branches of the Legislature, all the officers of the gov- 
ernment, all who want tO' be officers, all timid men who 
prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of 
liberty, British merchants and Americans trading on 
British capital, speculators and holders in the banks 
and public funds, a contrivance invented for the pur- 
poses of corruption, and for assimilating us in all things 
to the rotten as well as the sound parts of the British 
model. It would give you a fever were I to name to 
you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies, 
men who were Samsons in the field and Solomons in the 
council, but who have had their heads shorn by the 
harlot England. In short, we are likely tO' preserve the 
liberty we have obtained only by unremitting labors and 
perils. But we shall preserve it; and our mass of weight 
and wealth on the good side is so great, as to leave no 
danger that force will ever be attempted against us. 
We have only to awake and snap the Lilliputian cords 
with which they have been entangling us during the 
first sleep which succeeded our latjors. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 63 

Jefferson Elected Vice-President. The Great Body of 

the American Citizens of the Democratic 

Sentiment. 

Monticello, February 9th, 1797. 
To James Sullivan: 

Dear Sir — I have many acknowledgments to make for 
the friendly anxiety you are pleased to express in your 
letter of January the 12th, for my undertaking the ofificc 
to which I have been elected. The idea that I would 
accept the office of President, but not that of Vice-Presi- 
dent of the United States, had not its orig^in with me. I 
never thought of questioning the free exercise of the 
right of my fellow citizens, to marshal those whom they 
call into their service according to their fitness, nor ever 
presumed that they were not the best judges of that. 
Had I indulged a wish in what manner they should dis- 
pose ol me, it would precisely have coincided with what 
they have done. Neither the splendor, nor the power, 
nor the difificulties, nor the fame or defamation, as may 
happen, attached to the first magistracy, have any attrac- 
tions for me. The helm of a free government is always 
arduous, and never was ours more so, than at a moment 
when two friendly people are like to be committed in 
war by the ill temper of their administrations. I am so 
much attached to my domestic situation, that I would 
not have wished to leave it at all. Plowever, if I am to 
be called from it, the shortest absences and most tran- 
quil station suit me best. I value highly, indeed, the 
part my fellow citizens gave me in their late vote, as an 
evidence of their esteem, and I am happy in the informa- 
tion you are so kind as tO' give, that many in the Eastern 
quarter entertain the same sentiment. 

Where a constitution like ours wears a mixed aspect 
of monarchy and republicanism, its citizens will natural- 
ly divide into two classes of sentiment, according as 
their tone of body or mind, their habits, connections and 
callings, induce them to wish to strengthen either the 
monarchical or the Republican features of the constitu- 
tion. Some will consider it as an elective monarchy, 



64 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

which had better be made hereditary, and therefore en- 
deavor to lead towards that all the forms and principles 
of its administration. Others will view it as an ener- 
getic Republic, turning in all its points on the pivot of 
free and frequent elections. The great body of our na- 
tive citizens are unquestionably of the Republican 
(Democratic) sentiment. Foreign education, and for- 
eign connections of interest, have produced some excep- 
tions in every part of the Union, North and South, and 
perhaps other circumstances in your quarter, better 
known to you, may have thrown into the scale of ex- 
ceptions a greater number of the rich. Still there, I be- 
lieve, and here, I am sure, the great mass is Republican. 
Nor do any of the forms in which the public disposition 
has been pronounced in the last half dozen years, evince 
the contrary. All of them, when traced tO' their true 
source, have only been evidences of the preponderant 
popularity of a particular great character. That influ- 
ence once withdrawn, and our countrymen left to the 
operation of their own unbiased good sense, I have no 
doubt we shall see a pretty rapid return of general har- 
mony, and our citizens moving in phalanx in the paths 
of regular liberty, order and a sacrosanct adherence to 
the cO'nstitution. Thus I think it will be, if war with 
France can be avoided. But if that untoward event 
comes athwart us in our present point of deviation, no- 
body, I believe, can foresee into what port it will drive 
us. 



Equilibrium Between State and Federal Governments 

Necessary. 

Philadelphia, February 23d, 1798. 
To Peregrine Fitzhugh: 

I do not think it for the interest of the general gov- 
ernment itself, and still less of the Union at large, that 
the State governments shoiuld be so little respected as 
they have been. .However, I dare say that in time all 
these as well as their central government, like the planets 
revolving round their common sun, acting and acted 



I^KTTERS AND ADDRESSES. 65 

upon according to their respective weights and distances, 
will produce that beautiful equilibrium on which our con- 
stitution is founded, and which I believe it will exhibit 
to the world in a degree of perfectiou, unexampled, but 
in the planetary system itself. The enlightened states- 
man, therefore, will endeavor to preserve the weight and 
influence of every part, as too much given to any member 
of it would destroy the general equilibrium. 



The Alien and Sedition Laws Adopted by the Federals, 
and Danger of War with France. 

Philadelphia, May 31st, 1798. 
To James Madison: 

The bill from the Senate for capturing French armed 
vessels found hovering on our coast was passed in two 
days 'by tlie lower House, without a single alteration; 
and the Ganges, a twenty-gun sloop, fell down the 
river instantly to go on a cruise. She has since been or- 
dered to New York, to convoy a vessel from ihat to this 
port. The alien (and sedition) bill* will be ready to- 

*The alien and sedition law gave the President authority "to 
order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace 
and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds 
to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machina- 
tions against the government thereof, to depart out of the terri- 
tory of the United States within such time as shall be expressed 
in such order." * * * "And be it further enacted, That if any 
person shall write, print, utter or publish, or shall cause or pro- 
cure to be written, printed, uttered or published, or shall know- 
ingly and willingly assist or aid in writing, printing, uttering or 
publishing any false, scandalous and malicious writing or writ- 
ings against the Government of the United States, or either 
Uouse of the Congress of the United States, or the President of 
the United States, with intent to defame the said Government, 
or either House of the said Congress, or the said President, or 
to bring them, or either of them, into contempt or disrepute, or 
to excite against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of 
the good poeple of the United States, or to stir up sedition with- 
in the United States, or to excite any unlawful combinations there 
in, for opposing or resisting any law of the United States, or any 
act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of 
any such law, or of the powers in him vested by the Constitution 
of the United States, or to resist, oppose or defeat any such law 
or act. or to aid, encourage or abet any hostile designs of any 
foreign nation against the United States, their people or govern- 
ment, then such person, being thereof convicted before any court 
of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punish- 
ed by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by impris- 
onment not exceeding two years. 



^^ LETTERS AND ADDRESSES- 

day, probably, for its third reading in the Senate. It 
has been considerably mollified, particularly by a pro- 
viso saving the rights of treaties. Still, it is a most de- 
testable thing. I was glad in yesterday's discussion, to 
hear it admitted on all hands, that laws of the United 
States, subsequent to a treaty, control its operation, and 
that the Legislature is the only power which can control 
a treaty. Both points are sound beyond doubt. This 
bill will unquestionably pass the House of Representa- 
tives, the majority there being very decisive, consoli- 
dated and bold enough to do anything. I have no doubt 
from the hints dropped they will pass a bill to declare 
the French treaty void. I question if they wall think a 
declaration of war prudent, as it might alarm, and all 
its effects are answered ^by the act authorizing captures. 
A bill is brought in for suspending all communication 
with the dominions of France, which will no doubt pass. 
It is suspected that they mean to borrow money of in- 
dividuals in London, on the credit of our land tax, and 
perhaps the guarantee of Great Britain. The land tax 
was yesterday debated, and a majoritv of six struck out 
the thirteenth section of the classification of houses, and 
taxed them by a different scale from the lands. Instead 
oi this, is to be proposed a valuation of the houses and 
lands together. Volney* and a ship load of others sail 
en Sunday next. Another ship load will go off in about 
three weeks. It is natural to expect they go under irri- 
tations calculated to fan the flame. Not so Volney. 
He is most thoroughly impressed with the importance of 
preventing war, whether co'nsidered with reference to the 
interests of the two countries, of the cause of republican- 
ism, or of man on the broad scale. But an eagerness to 
render this prevention impossible, leaves me without 
any hope. Some of those who have insisted that it was 
long since war on the part of France, are candid enough 
to admit that it is now begun on our part also. I enclose 
for your perusal a poem on the alien bill, written by Mr. 
Marshall. I do this, as well for your amusement as to get 

*A French historian and philosopher. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 67 

you to take care of this copy for me till I return; for it 
will be lost in lending it, if I retain it here, as the pub- 
lication was suppressed after the sale of a few copies, of 
which I was fortunate enough to get one. 

P. S. — The President, it is said, has refused an Exe- 
quator to the Consul-General of France, Dupont. 



Political Complexion of Different Sections of the Union, 
and the Necessity of Her Maintenance. 

Philadelphia, June i, 1798. 
To John Taylor: 

Mr. New showed me your letter, which gave me an 
opportunity of observing what you said as to the effect, 
with' you, of public proceedings, and that it was not 
unwise now to estimate the separate mass of Virginia 
and North Carolina, with a view to their separate exist- 
ence. It is true that we are completely under the sad- 
dle of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and that they ride 
us very hard, cruelly insulting our feelings, as well as 
exhausting our strength and subsistence. Their natural 
friends, the three other Eastern States, join them from 
a sort of family pride, and they have the art to divide 
certain other parts of the Union, so as to make use of 
them to govern the whole. This is not new, it is the old 
practice of despots; to use a part of the people to keep 
the rest in order. And those who have once got an as- 
cendancy, and possessed themselves of all the resources 
of the nation, their revenues and officers, have immense 
means for retaining their advantage. But our present 
situation is not a natural one. The Republicans (Demo- 
crats) through every part of the Union, say that it was 
the irresistible influence and popularity of Gen. Wash- 
ington played off by the cunning of Hamilton, which 
turned the government over to anti-Republican hands, 
or turned the Republicans chosen by the people into anti- 
Republicans. He delivered it over to his successor in 
this State, and very untoward events since, improved 
with great artifice, have produced on the public mind the 
impressions we see. But still I repeat it, this is not the 



68 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

natural state. Time alone would bring round an order 
of things more correspondent to the sentiments of our 
constituents. But are there no events impending, which 
will do it within a few months? The crisis with Eng- 
land, the public and authentic avowal of sentiments hos- 
tile to the leading principles of our constitution, the pros- 
pect of a war, in which we shall stand alone, land tax, 
stamp tax, increase of public debt, etc. Be this as it may, 
in every free and deliberating society, there must, froim the 
nature of man, be opposite parties, and violent dissen- 
sions and discords, and one of these, for the most part, 
must prevail over the otiier for a longer or shorter time. 
Perhaps this party division is necessary to induce each 
to watch and delate to the people the proceedings of the 
other. But if on a temporary superiority of the one 
party, the other is to resort to a scission of the Union, 
no federal government can ever exist. If to rid our- 
selves of the present rule of Massachusetts and Connecti- 
cut, we break the Union, will the evil stop there? Sup- 
pose the New England States alone cut off, will our na- 
ture be changed? Are we not men still to the South of 
that, and with all the passions of men? Immediately, we 
sihall see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party arise in 
the residuary confederacy, and the public mind will be 
distracted with the same party spirit. What a game too 
will the one party have in their hands, by eternally 
threatening the other that unless they do so and so, they 
will join their Northern neighbors. If we reduce our 
Union to Virginia and North Carolina, immediately the 
conflict will be established between the representatives 
of these twO' States, and they will end bv breaking into 
their simple units. Seeing, therefore, that an associa- 
tion of men who will not quarrel 'with one another is a 
thing which never yet existed, from the greatest con- 
federacy of nations down to a town meeting or a ves- 
try; seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, 
I had rather keep our New England associates for that 
purpose, than to see our bickerings transferred to others. 
A little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches 
pass over, their spells dissolved, and the people recover- 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 69 

ing their true sight, restoring their government to its true 
principles. It is true, tliat in the meantime, we are suf- 
fering deeply in spirit, and incurring the horrors of a 
war, and long oppressions of enormous public debt. 
But who can say what would be the evils of a scission, 
and when and where they would end? Better keep to- 
gether as we are, haul off from Europe as soon as we 
can, and from all attachments to any portions of it; and 
if they show their power just sufficiently to hoop us to- 
gether, it will ibe the happiest situation in which we can 
exist. ' If the game run's sometimes against us at home, 
we must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall 
have an opportunity of winning back the principles we 
have lost. For this is a game where principles are the 
stake. 

Jefferson's Political Faith. 

Philadelphia, January 26tb, 1799. 
To Elbridge Gerry: 

I shall make to you a profession of my political faith, 
in confidence that you will consider every future imputa- 
tion on me of a contrary complexion, as bearing on its 
front the mark of falsehood and calumny. I do then, 
with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of our 
present federal Constitution, according to the true sense 
in which it was adopted 'by the States, that in which it 
was advocated by its friends, and not that which its ene- 
mies .apprehended, who therefore, became its enemies; 
and I am opposed to the nionarchising its features by the 
forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a 
first transition to a President and Senate for life, and 
from that to an hereditary tenure of these offices, and 
thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for pre- 
serving to the States the powers not yielded by them to 
the Union, and to the Legislature of the Unioni its con- 
stitutional share in the division of powers; and I am not 
for 'transferring all the powers of the States to the Gen- 
eral Government, and all those of that government to the 
executive branch. I am for a government rigorously 



70 tECTURES AND ADDRESSES- 

frugal and simple, applying all the pos'sible savings of 
the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt; 
and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries mere- 
ly to make partisans, and for increasing, by every device, 
the public debt, on the principle of its being a public 
blessing. I am relying, for internal defense, on our 
militia solely, till actual invasion, and for such a naval 
force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from 
such depredations as we have experienced; and not for 
a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe 
the public sentiment; nor ior a navy, which, by its own 
expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate 
us, will grind us with public burdens and sink us under 
them. I am for free commerce with all nations; political 
connection with none; and little or no diplomatic esta'b- 
li'shment. And I am not for linking oiirselves by new 
treaties with the quarrels of Europe; entering that field 
of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the 
confederacy of kings to war against the principles of 
liberty. I am for freedom of religion and against all 
maneuvres to bring about a legal ascendancy of one 
sect over another; for freedom of the press, and against 
all violations of the Constitution to silence by force and 
not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, 
of our citizens against the conduct of their agents. And 
I am for encouraging the progress of science in all its 
branches; and not for raising a hue and cry against the 
sacred name of philosophy; for awing the human mind 
by stories of raw head and bloody bon.es* to a distrust 
of its own vision, and to repose implicitly on that of 
others; to go backwards instead of forwards to look for 
improvement; to believe that govermncnt, religion, 
morality and every other science were in the highest per- 
fection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and that noth- 
ing can ever be devised more perfect than what was 
established by our forefathers. To these I will add that 
I was a sincere well-wisher to the success of the French 
revolution, and still wish it may end in the establish- 



* A hotog-oblin. 



LECTURES AND ADDRESSES. 71 

ment of a free and well-ordered Republic;- but I have 
not been insensible under the atrocious depredations 
they have committed on our commerce. The first object 
of my heart is my own country. In that is embarked 
my family, my fortune, and my own existence. I have 
not one farthing of interest, nor one fibre or attachment 
out of it, nor a single motive of preference of any one 
nation to another, but in proportion as they are more or 
less friendly to us. But though deeply feeling the in- 
juries of France, I did not think war the surest means of 
redressing them. I did believe that a mission sincerely 
disposed to preserve peace would obtain for us a peace- 
able and honorable settlement and retribution; and I 
appeal to you to say, whether this might not have been 
dbtained, if either of your colleagues had been of the 
same sentiment with yourself. 

These, my friend, are my principles; they are unques- 
tionably the principles of the great body of o-ur fellow 
citizens, and I know there is not one of them which is 
not yours also. 

The New England States Opposed to Democratic 
Principles, and in Favor of Centralization. 

Monticello, August 13th, 1800. 
To Gideon Granger: 

I am much comforted by the appearance of a change 
of opinion in your State,* for though we may dbtain, and 
I believe shall obtain, a majority in the Legislature of the 
United States, attached to the preservation of the Federal 
'Constitution according to> its obvious principles, and 
those on which it was known to be received; attached 
equally .to the preservation to the States of those rights 
unquestionably remaining with them; friends to the 
freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury 
and to economical government; opposed tO' standing 
armies, paper systems, war, and all connection, other 
than commerce, with any foreign nation; in short, a 



* Connecticut. 



72 l^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

majority finm in all those principles which we have es- 
poused and the federalists have opposed uniformly; still, 
should the whole body of New England continue in op- 
position to these principles oi government, either know- 
ingly or through delusion, our governnient will be a 
very uneasy one. It qan never be harmonious and solid, 
while so respectable a portion of its citizens suoport prin- 
ciples which go directly to a change of the Federal Con- 
stituition to sink the State governments, consolidate them 
into one, and to monarchize that. Our country is too 
large to have all its affairs directed by a single govern- 
ment. Public servants at such a distance, and from 
under the eye of their constituents, must, from the cir- 
cumstance of distance, 'be unable to^ administer and over- 
look all the details necessary for the good government of 
the citizens, and the same circumstance, by rendering 
detection impossible tO' their constituents, will invite the 
public agents to corruption, plunder and waste. And I 
do verily believe that if the principle were to prevail of a 
common law being in force in the United States (which 
principle possesses the General Government at once of all 
the powers of the State governments, and reduces us 
to a single consolidated government), it would become 
the most corrupt government on the earth. You have 
seen the practices hy which the public servants have been 
able to cover their conduct, or, where that could not be 
done, delusions by which they have varnished it for the 
eye of their constituents. What an augmentation of the 
field for jobbing, speculating, plundering, office building 
and office hunting would be produced bv an assumption 
of all 'the State powers into the hands of the General 
Government. The true theory of our Constitution is 
surely the wisest and best, that the States are independ- 
ent as to everything within themselves, and united as to 
everything respecting foreign nations. Let the General 
Government be reduced to foreign concerns only, and let 
our affairs be disentangled from those of all other na- 
tions, except as tO' commerce, which the merchants will 
manage the better, the more they are left free to manage 
for themselves, and our General Government may be 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 73 

reduced to a very simple organization, and a very un- 
expensive one; a few plain duties to be performed by a 
few servants. But I repeat, that this simple and econo- 
mical mode of government can never be secured, if the 
New England States continue to support the contrary 
system. I rejoice, therefore, in every appearance of their 
returning to those principles which I had always imag- 
ined lo be almost innate in them. 



From JefTerson's First Inauguration Address. 

March 4th, 1801. 

About to enter, fellow citizens, on the exercise of 
duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable 
to you, it is proper that you should understand what I 
deem the essential principles of our government, and 
consequently those which ought to shape its administra- 
tion. I will compress them within thg narrowest com- 
pass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not 
all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of 
whatever state or persuasion, religious or political, peace, 
commerce and honest friendship with all nations — en- 
tangling alliances Vvith none; the support of the State 
governments in all their rights, as the most competent 
administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest 
bulwarks against anti-Republican tendencies; the pre- 
servation of the general government in its whole consti- 
tutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home 
and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election 
by the people — a mild and safe corrective of abuses which 
are lopped by the sword of the revolution, where peace- 
able remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in 
the decisions of the majority — the vital principle of Re- 
publics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the 
vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well- 
disciplined militia — our best reliance in peace and for 
the first moments of war, till regulars mav relieve them; 
the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; 
economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly 
burdened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred 



74 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

preservation of the public faith; encourag^ement of agri- 
culture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion 
of information and the arraignment of all abuses at the 
bar of public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of 
the press; freedom of person under the protection of the 
habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected — 
these principles form the bright constellation which has 
gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of 
revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages 
and the blood of our heroes have been devoted to their 
attainment. They should be the creed of our political 
faith — the text of civil instruction — the touchstone l)y 
which to try the services of those we trust; and should 
we wander from them in moments of error or alarm, let 
us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road 
which alone leads to peace, liberty and safety. 



Jefferson, the Originator of the- Monroe Doctrine. 

Washington, March 21st, 1801. 
To Dr. George Logan: 

It ought to be the very first object of our pursuits 
to have nothing to do with the European interests and 
politics. Let them be free or slaves at will, navigators 
or agricultural, swallowed into one government or di- 
vided into a thousand, we have nothing to fear from 
them in any form. If, therefore, to take a part m their 
conflicts, would be to divert our energies from creation 
to destruction. Our commerce is so valuable to Jnm 
that they will be glad to purchase it when the only price 
we ask is to do us justice. I believe, we have in our 
own hands the means of peaceable coercion; and that the 
moment they see our government so united as ^hat they 
can make use of it, they will for their own interest be 
disposed to do us justice. In this way we shall not De 
obliged by any treaty of confederation to go to war for 
injuries done to others. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 75 

The Public Offices are Not the Family Property of the 

President. 
Washington, March 27th, 1801. 

To Mr. George Jefferson:* 

Dear Sir— I have to acknowledge the receipt of yours 
of March 4th, and to express to you the delight with 
which I found the just, disinterested and honorable point 
of view in which you saw the proposition it covered. 
The resolution you so properly approved had long been 
formed in my mind. The public will never be made to 
believe that an appointment of a relative is made on the 
ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views; 
nor can they ever see with approbation offices the dis- 
posal of which they entrust to their Presidents for puolic 
purposes, divided out as family pro'perty. Mr. Adams 
degraded himself infinitely by his conduct on this sub- 
ject as Gen. Washington had done himself the greatest 
honor With two such examples to proceed by, I 
should be doubly inexcusable to err. It is true that this 
places the relations of the President in a worse situation 
than if he were a stranger, but the public good, which 
can not be afTected if its confidence be lost, requires tlie 
sacrifice. Perhaps, too, it is compensated by sharing in 
the public esteem. I could not be satisfied till I assured 
you of the increased esteem with which this transaction 
fills me for you. Accept my affectionate expressions 
of it. 

Jefferson's Policy Towards the Federalists. 

Washington, October 25th, 1802. 
To Levi Lincoln: 

The opinion I originally formed has never been 
changed, that such of the body of the people as thought 
themselves Federalists, would find that they were in 
truth Republicans (Democrats) and would come over 



*An intelligent and highly respectable kinsman of Thomas Jeff- 
erson, and held by him in the highest esteem. 



76 I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES?. 

to US by degrees; but that their leaders had gone too far 
ever to change. Their bitterness increases with their 
desperation. Thev are trying slanders now which noth- 
ing could prO'mpt but a gall which blinds their judgments 
as well as their consciences. I shall take no other re- 
venge, than, by a steady pursuit of economy and peace, 
and by the establishment of Republican principles in 
substance and in form, to sink Federalism into an abyss 
from which there shall be no resurrection for it. I still 
think our original idea as to office is best; that is, to de- 
pend, for the obtaining a just particioation, on deaths, 
resignations and delinquencies. This will least affect 
the tranquility of the people, and prevent their giving 
in to the suggestion of our enemies, that ours has been 
a contest for office, not for principle. This is rather a 
slow operation, but it is sure if we pursue it steadily, 
which, however, has not been done with the undeviating 
resolution I could have wished. To these means of ob- 
taining a just share in the transaction of the public busi- 
ness, shall be added one other, to-wit, removal for elec- 
tioneering activity, or open and industrious opposition 
to the principles of the present government, legislative 
and ''xerut^re. Every officer of the government may 
vote at elections according to his conscience; but we 
should betray the cause committed to our care, were 
we to permit the influence of official patronage to be 
used to overthrow that cause. Your present situation 
will enable you to judge of prominent offenders in your 
State, in the case of the present election. I pray you to 
seek them, to mark them, to be quite sure of your 
ground, that we commit no error or wrong, and leave 
the rest to me. 



The Purchase of Louisiana. 

Washington, July nth, 1803. 
To Gen. Gates: 

Dear General — I accept with pleasure, and with pleas- 
ure reciprocate your congratulations on the acquisition 
of Louisiana, for it is a subject of mutual congratulation, 
as it interests every man of the natioj:. The territory 



LRTTKRS AND ADDRESSES. 77 

acquired, as it includes all the waters of the Missouri 
and Mississippi, has more than doubled the area of he 
United States, and the new part is not inferior to the 
old in soil, climate, productions and important com- 
munications. If our Legislature disoose of it with he 
wisdom we have a right to expect, they may make it the 
means of tempting all our Indians on the east side of 
the Mississippi to remove to the west, and of condensing 
instead of scattering our population. I fi"^^ our oppo- 
sition is verv willing to pluck feathers from Monroe, al- 
though not fond of^sticking them into Lixmgston s coat 
The truth is, both have a just portion of merit; ana 
were it necessary or proper, it would be shown that each 
has rendered peculiar services, and of important value. 
These grumblers, too, are very uneasy lest the admin- 
istration should share some little credit for the acquisi- 
tion, the whole of which they ascribe to the accident of 
war They would be cruelly mortified could they see 
our files from May, 1801, the first organization of the 
administration, but more especially from April, 1802. 
They would see that though we could not say when war 
would arise, yet we said with energy what would take 
place when it should arise. We did not, by our in- 
trigues produce the war; but we availed ourselves of it 
when it happened. The other party saw the case now 
existing, on which our representations were predicated, 
and the wisdom of timely sacrifice. But when these 
people make the war give us everythinp^. they authorize 
us to ask what the war gave us in their day? They had 
a war; what did they make it bring us? Instead of mak- 
ing our neutralitv the ground of gain to their country, 
they were for plunging into the war. And if they were 
now in place, they would now be at war against the 
atheists and disorganizers of France. They were for 
making their country an appendage to England. We 
are friendly, cordially and conscientiously friendly to 
England. We are not hostile to France. We will be 
rio-orously just and sincerely friendly to both. I do 
not believe we shall have as much to swallow from 
them as our predecessors had. 



78 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

The United States Bank an Enemy of the Government. 

Washington, December 13th, 1803. 
To Mr. Gallatin:* 

From a passage in the letter of the President,** I 
observe an idea of establishing a branch bank of the 
United States in New Orleans. This institution is one 
of the most deadly hostihty existing against the princi- 
ples and form of our Constitution. The nation is, at this 
time, so strong and united in its sentiments, that it can 
not be shaken at this moment. But suppose a series of 
untoward events should occur, sufficient to bring into 
doubt the competency of a Republican government to 
meet a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confi- 
dence of the people in the public functionaries; an in- 
stitution like this, penetrating by its branches every part 
of the Union, acting by command and in phalanx, may, 
in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no 
government safe which is under 'the vassalage of any self- 
constituted authorities, or any other authority than that 
of the nation, or its regular functionaries. What an 
obstruction could not this Bank of the United States, 
with all its branch banks, be in time of war? It might 
dictate to us the peace we should acceot, or withdraw 
its aids. Ought we then to give further growth to an 
institution so powerful, so hostile? That it is so hostile 
we know, (i) from a knowledge of the principles of the 
persons composing the body of directors in every bank, 
principal or branch; and those of 'most of the stock- 
holders; (2) from their opposition to the measures and 
principles of the government, and to the election of those 
friendly to them; and (3) from the sentiments of the 
newspapers they support. Now, while we are srong, 
it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our Con- 
stitution, to bring this powerful enemy to a perfect sub- 
ordination under its authorities. The first measure 
would be to reduce them to an equal footing only with 
other banks, as to the favors of the government. But, 



♦Secretary of the Treasury under Jefferson's administration. 
♦♦President of the U. S. Bank. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. /9 

in order to be able to meet a general combination of the 
banks against us, in a critical emergency, could we not 
make a beginning towards an independent use of our 
own money, towards holding our own bank in all the 
deposits where it is received, and letting the treasurer 
give his draft or note, for payment at any particular place, 
which, in a well-conducted government, ought to have 
as much credit as any private draft, or bank note, or 
bill, and would give us the same facilities which we de- 
rive from .the banks? I pray you tO' turn this subject 
in vour mind, arud to give it the benefit of your knowl- 
edge of details; whereas, I have only very general views 
of the subject. 

From Jefferson's Second Inaugural Address. 

March 4th, 1805. 

During this course of administration, and in order 
to disturb it, the artillery of the press has been lev- 
eled against us, charged with whatsover its licentious- 
ness could devise or dare. These abuses of an institu- 
tion .so important to freedom and science, are deeply 
to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its use- 
fulness, and to sap its safety; they might, indeed, have 
been corrected by the wholesome punishments reserv'ed 
and provided by the laws of the several States against 
falsehood and defamation; but public duties more urgent 
press on the time of public servants, and the ofTenders 
have therefore been left to find their punishment in the 
public indignation. 

Nor was it uninteresting to the wxDrld that an experi- 
ment should be fairly and fully made, whether freedom 
of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufificient for the 
propagation and protection of truth — whether a govern- 
ment, conducting itself in the true spirit of its -consti- 
tution, with zeal and purity and doing no act which it 
would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can 
be written down by falsehood and defamation. The ex- 
periment has been tried; you have witnessed the scene; 
our fellow citizens have looked on, cool and collected; 



80 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

they saw the latent source from which these outrages 
proceeded; they gathered around their public function- 
aries, and wilien the constitution called them to the deci- 
.sion by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict, honor- 
able to those who had served them, and consolatory to 
the friend of man, who believes he may be intrusted 
with his own affairs. 



Aaron Burr's Conspiracy, and His Views and Objects. 

Washington, July 14th, 1807. 
To the Marquis de La Fayette: 

Measuring happiness by the American scale, and 
sincerely wishing that of yourself and family, we had 
been anxious to see them established this side of thv' 
great water. But I am not certain that any equivalent 
can be found for the loss of that species oif society, to 
which our habits have been formed from infancy. Cer- 
tainly, had you been, as I wished, at the head of the 
government of Orleans, Burr would never have given 
me one moment's uneasiness. His conspiracy has been 
one of the most flagitious of which history will ever 
furnish an example. He meant 'to separate the Western 
States from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself 
at their head, establish what he would deem an ener- 
getic government, and thus provide an example and an 
instrument for the subversion of our freedom. The 
man who could expect to effect this, with American ma- 
terials, must be a fit subject for Bedlam. The serious- 
ness of the crime, however, demands more serious pun- 
ishment. Yet, although there is not a man in the United 
States who doubts his guilt, such are the jealous provi- 
sions of our laws in favor of the accused against 
the accuser, that I question if he is convicted. 
Out of forty-eight jurors to be summoned, he 
is to select the twelve who are to try him, 
and if there be any one who will not concur in finding 
him guilty, he is discharged of course. Nothing has 
ever so strongly proved the innate force of our form 
of government, as this conspiracy. Burr had probably 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 81 

engaged one thousand men to follow his fortunes, witli- 
out letting them know his projects, otherwise than by 
assuring them the government approved of them. The 
moment a proclamation was issued, undeceiving them, 
he found himself left with about thirty desperadoes only. 
The people rose in mass wherever he was, or was sus- 
pected to be, and by their own energy the thing was 
crushed in one instant, without its having been necessary 
to employ a man of the military, but to take care of then- 
respective stations. His first enterprise was to have been 
to seize New Orleans, which he supposed would power- 
fully bridle the upper country, and place him at the door 
of Mexico. It is with pleasure I inform you that not n 
single native Creole, and but one American of those 
settled there before we received the place, took any part 
with him. His partisans were the new emigrants from 
the United States and elsewhere, fugitives from justice or 
debt, and adventurers and speculators of all descriptions. 

Jefferson Declines a Third Term. 

December loth, 1807. 
To the Legislature of Vermont: 

I received in due season the address of the Legisla- 
ture of Vermont, bearing date the 5th oi November, 
1806, in which, with their approbation O'f the general 
course of my administration, they were so good as to 
express their desire that I would consent to be proposed 
again, to the public voice, on the expiration of my 
present term of ofBce. Entertaining, as I do, for the 
Legislature of Vermont those sentiments of high respect 
which would have prompted an immediate answer, I 
was certain, nevertheless, they would approve a delay 
which had for its object to avoid a premature agitation 
of the public mind, on a subject so interesting as the 
election of a chief magistrate. 

That I should lay down my charge at a proper period 
is as much a duty as to have borne it faithfully. If some 
termination to the services of the chief magistrate be 
not fixed by the constitution, or supplied by practice. 



82 I,ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

his office, nominally for years, will, in fact, become for 
life; and history shows how easily that degenerates into 
an inheritance. Believing that a representative govern- 
ment, responsible at short periods of election, is that 
which produces the greatest sum of happiness to man- 
kind, I feel it a duty to do no act which shall essentially 
impair that principle; and I should unwillingly be the 
person who, disregarding the sound precedent set by an 
illustrious predecessor, should furnish the first example 
of prolongation beyond the second term of otTice. 

Truth, also, requires me to add, that I am sensible of 
that dechne which advancing years bring on; and feeling 
their physical, I ought not to doubt their mental efifect. 
Happy if I am the first tO' perceive and to obey this ad- 
monition of nature, and to solicit a retreat from cares 
too great for the wearied faculties of age. 

For the approbation which the Legislature of Ver- 
mont has been pleased to express of the principles and 
measures pursued in the management of their affairs, I 
am sincerely thankful; and should I be so fortunate as 
to carry into retirement the equal approbation and good 
will of my fellow citizens generally, it will be the com- 
fort of my future days, and will close a service of forty 
years with the only reward it ever wished. 



"Addresses approving the general course of his ad- 
ministration, were also received from Georgia, December 
6th, 1806; from Rhode Island, February 27th, 1807; from 
New York, March 13th, 1807; from Pennsylvania, Marcn 
13th, 1807; and from Maryland, January 3d, 1807; to all 
which answers like that sent to Vermont were returned." 
—Ed. 



Letter of Advice to Jefferson's Grandson, 

Washington, November 24th, 1808. 
Thomas Jefferson Randolph: 

Your situation, thrown at such a distance from us, 
and alone, can not but give us all great anxieties for you. 
As much has been secured for you by your particular 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 83 

position and the acquaintance to which you have been 
recommended, as could he done towards shieldmg you 
from the dangers which surround you. But thrown on 
a wide world, among entire strangers, without a friend 
or guardian to advise, so young too, and with so little 
experience of mankind, your dangers are great, and still 
your safety must rest on yourself. A determination 
never to do what is wrong, prudence and good humor, 
will go far towards securing to you the estimation of 
the world. When I recollect that at fourteen years of 
age, the whole care and direction of myself was thrown 
on myself entirely, without a relation or friend qualified 
to advise or guide me, and recollect the various sorts 
of bad company with which I associated from time to 
time, I am astonished I did not turn off with some of 
them, and become as worthless to society as they were. 
I had the good fortune to become acquainted very early 
with some characters of very high standing, and to feel 
the incessant wish that I could ever become what they 
were. Under temptations and difficulties, I would ask 
myself what would Dr. Small, Mr. Wythe, Peyton 
Randolph do in this situation? What course in it will 
insure me their approbation? I am certain that this 
mode of deciding on my conduct, tended more to cor- 
rectness than any reasoning powers I possessed. Know- 
ingtheeven and dignified line they pursued,! could never 
doubt for a moment which of two courses would be in 
character for them. Whereas, seeking the same object 
through a process of moral reasoning, and with the 
jaundiced eye of youth, I should often have erred. From 
the circumstances of my position I was often thrown into 
the society of horse racers, card players, fox hunters, 
scientific and professional men, and of dignified men; 
and many a time have I asked myself in the enthusiastic 
moment of the death of a fox, Che victory of a favorite 
horse, the issue of a question eloquently argued at the 
bar, or in the great council of the nation, well, which of 
these kinds of reputation should I prefer? That of a 
horse jockey, a fox hunter, an orator, or the honest ad- 
vocate of my country's rights? Be assured, mv dear 



84 I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

Jefferson, that these little returns into ourselves, this 
self-catechising ha'bit, is not trifling nor useless, but 
leads to the prudent selection and steady pursuit of what 
is right. 

I have mentioned good humor as one of the preserva- 
tives of our peace and tranquility. It is among the most 
effectual, and its effect is so well imitated and aided, 
artificially, by politeness, that this also becomes an ac- 
quisition of first rate value. In truth, pohteness is arti- 
ficial good humor, it covers the natural want of it, and 
ends by rendering habitual a substitute nearly equivalent 
to the real virtue. It is the practice of sacrificing to 
those whom we meet in society, all the little conveniences 
and preferences which will gratify them, and deprive us of 
nothing worth a moment's consideration; it is the giv- 
ing a pleasing and flattering turn to our expressions, 
which will conciliate others, and make them pleased 
with us as well as themselves. How cheap a price for 
the good will of another! When this is in leturn for a 
rude thing said by another, it brings him to his senses, 
it mortifies and corrects him in the most salutary way, 
and places him at the feet of your good nature, in the 
eyes of the company. But in stating prudential rules 
for our government in society, I must not omit the im- 
portant one of never entering into dispute or argument 
with another. I never saw an instance, of one of two 
disputants convincing the other by argument. I have 
seen many, on their getting warm, becoming rude, and 
shooting one another. Conviction is the effect of our 
own dispassionate reasoning, either in soilitude, or weigh- 
ing within ourselves, dispassionately, what we Lear from 
others, standing uncommhted in argument ourselves. 
It was one of the rules which, above all others, made Dr. 
Franklin >he most amiable of men in society, "never 
to contradict anybody." If he was urged to announce an 
opinion, he did it rather by asking questions, as if for 
information, or by suggesting doubts. When I hear an- 
other express an opinion which is not mine, I say to 
myself, he has a right to hi:, opinion, as I to mine; why 
should I question it? His crn.r does me no iniurv and 



tETTERS AND ADDRESSES. o5 

shall I become a Don vQulxolte. to brinjr all men by 
force of argument to one opinion? If a fact be mis- 
stated it is probable he is gratified by a belief of it, and 
I have no right to deprive him of the grvt.Acation. If 
he wants information, he will ask it, and tlien I will give 
it in measured terms; but if he still believes his own 
story and shows a desire to dispute the fact with me, I 
hear him and say nothing. It is his affair, not mine, if 
he prefers error. There are two classes of disputants 
most frequently to be met with among us. The first 
is of young students just entered the thresho'ld of sci- 
ence, with a first view of its outlines, not yet filled up with 
the details and modifications which a further progress 
would bring to their knowledge. The other consists of 
the ill-tempered and rude men in society, who have taken 
up a passion for politics. (Good humor and politeness 
never introduce into mixed society, a question on which 
they foresee there will be a difiference of opinion.) From 
both of those classes of disputants, my dear JefTerson, 
keep aloof, as you would from the infected subjects of yel- 
low fever or pestilence. Consider yourself, when v^ith 
them, as among the patients of Bedlam, needing medical 
more than moral counsel. Be a listener only, keep within 
yourself, and endeavor to establish with yourself the 
habit of silence, especially on politics. In the fevered 
state of our country, no good can ever result from any 
attempt to set one of these fiery zealots to rights, either 
in fact or principle. They are determined as to the 
facts they will believe, and the opinions on which they 
v.'iill act. Get by them, therefore, as you would by an 
angry bull; it is not for a man of sense to dispute the 
road with such an animal. You will be more exposed 
than others to have these animals shaking their horns at 
you, because of the relation in which you stand with 
me. Full of political venom, and willing to see me and 
to hate me as a chief in the antagonist party, your pres- 
ence will be to them what the vomit grass is to the sick 
dog, a nostrum for producing ejaculation. Look upon 
them exactly with that eye and pity them as objects to 
whom you can administer only occasional ease. I\Iy 



86 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

character is not within their power. It is in the hands of 
my fellow citizens at large, and will be consigned to 
honor or infamy by the verdict of the Republican mass 
of our country, according to what themselves will have 
seen, not what their enemies and mine shall have said. 
Never, therefore, consider these puppies in politics as 
requiring any notice from you, and always show that 
you are not afraid to leave my character to the umpirage 
of public opinion. Look steadily to the pursuits which 
have carried you to Philadelphia, be very select in the 
society you attach yourself to, avoid taverns, drinkers, 
smokers, idlers and dissipated persons generally; for it 
is with such that broils and contentions arise; and yoii 
will find your path more easy and tranquil. The limits 
of my paper warn me that it is timie for me to close with 
my affectionate adieu. 



Jefferson Refuses all Presents While President. 

Washington, November 30th, 1808. 
To Mr. Samuel Hawkins, Knigston: 

Your letter of the 3d mstaiit came to hand on the loth. 
Mr. Granger, before that, had sent here the very elegant 
ivory staff of which you wished my acceptance. The 
motives of your wish are honorable to me, and gratify- 
ing, as they evidence the inprobation of my pub';c con- 
duct by a stranger who has not viewed it through the 
partialities of personal acquaintance. Be assured, sir, 
that I am as grateful for the testimony as if I could have 
accepted the token of it which you have so kindly offered. 
On coming into public offico, T laid it down as a law of 
my conduct while I sha.ild continue in it. to accept no 
present of any sensible pecuniary value. A pamphlet, a 
new book, or an article ct new curiosity, have produced 
no hesitation, because below suspicion. But things of 
sensible value, however inr.ccently offered in the first 
examples, may grow at length into abuse, fo-- which I 
wish not to furnish a precedent. The kindness of the 
motives which led to this manifestation of your esteem, 
sufficiently assures me that you will approve of my de- 



I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 87 

sire by a perseverance in the rule, to retain that con- 
sciousness of a disinterestc.l a^hninistration o the pubhc 
trusts, which is essential to r.erfect tranquility of mind 
Replacing, therefore, the subject of this le ter in the 
hands of Mr. Granger, under your orders, and repeating 
that the offer meets the same thankfulness as if accepted. 
I tender you my salutations and assurances of respect. 

Farewell Address to Thomas Jeflferson, President of the 

United States. 
(Agreed to by both Houses, February 7, 1809.) 

Sir— The General Assembly of your native State can 
not 'Close their session without acknowledging your ser- 
vices in the office which you are just about to lay down, 
and bidding you a respectful and affectionate farewell.^ 

We have to thank you for the model of an adminis- 
tration conducted on the purest principles of RepubUcan- 
ism; for pomp and state laid aside; patronage discarded; 
internal taxes abolished; a host of superfluous officers 
disbaridfed; the monarchic maxim "that a national debt 
is a national blessing," renounced and more than thirty- 
three millions of our debt discharged; the native right 
to nearly one hundred millions of acres of our national 
domain extinguished; and, without the guilt or calamities 
of conquest, a vast and fertile region added to our 
country, far more extensive than her original possessions, 
bringing along wath it the Mississippi and the port of 
Orleans, the trade of the West to the Pacific Ocean, and 
in the intrinsic value of the land itself, a source of per- 
manent and almost inexhaustible revenue. fhese are 
points in your administration which the historian will not 
fail to seize, to expand, and teach posterity to dweil upon 
with delight. Nor will he forget our peace with the civil- 
ized world, preserved through a season of uncommon 
difficulty and trial, the good will cultivated witli the un- 
fortunate aborigines of our country, and the civilization 
humanely extended among them; the lesson taught the 
inhabitants of the coast of Barbary, that v/e liave the 
means of chastising their piratical encroachments, and 



88 I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

awing them into justice; and that theme, on which, above 
all others, the historic genius will hang with rapture, 
the liberty of speech, and of the press preserved inviolate, 
without which genius and science are given to man in 
vain. 

In the principles on which you have administered the 
government, we see only the continuation and maturity 
of the same virtues and abilities, which drew upon you 
in your youth the resentment of Dunmore.* From the 
first brilliant and happy moment of your resietence to 
foreign tyranny until the present day we mark with 
pleasure and with gratitude the same uniform, consistent 
character, the same warm and devoted attachment to 
liberty and the Republic, the same Roman love of youi 
country, her rights, her peace, her honor, her prosperity. 

How blessed will be the retirement into which you 
are about to go! How deservedly blessed will it be! 
For you carry with you the richest of all rewards, the 
recollection of a life well spent in the service of your 
country, and proofs the most decisive, of the love, the 
gratitude, the veneration of your countrymen. 

That your retirement may be as happy as your life has 
been virtuous and useful; that our youth may see in the 
blissful close of your days, an additional inducement to 
form themselves on your model, is the devout and earnest 
prayer of your fellow citizens who compose the General 
Assembly of Virginia. 



The Union of the States the Palladium of Their Safety. 

Washington, February 24th, 1809. 
To Gov. Tompkins: 

By all, I trust, the union of these States will ever be 
considered as the Palladium of their safety, their pros- 
perity and glory, and all attempts to sever it will be 
frowned on with reprobation and abhorence. And I 
have equal confidence, that all moved by the sacred prin- 
ciples of liberty and patriotism will prepare themselves 
for any crisis we may be able to meet, and will be ready 

*The royal governor of Virginia, 1773. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 89 

to co-operate with each other, and with the constituted 
authorities, in resisting and repelhng the aggressions of 
foreign nations. 

Jefferson Expresses DeHght at His Retirement from 

PubUc Life. 
Washington, March 2d, 1809. 

To M. Dupont de Nemours: 

Within a few days I retire to my family, my books 
and farms; and having gained the harbor myself, I 
shall look on my friends still buffeting the storm with 
anxiety indeed, but not with envy. Never did a prison- 
er, released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall on 
shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended 
me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering 
them my supreme delight. But the enormities of the 
times in which I have lived, have forced me to take a 
part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the 
boisterous ocean of political passions. I thank God for 
the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, 
and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of 
public approbation. I leave everything in the hands 
of men so able to take care of them, that if we are des- 
tined to meet misfortunes, it will 'be because no human 
wisdom could avert them. Should you return to the 
United States, perhaps your curiosity may lead you to 
visit the hermit of ]\Ionticello. He will receive you with 
affection and delight; hailing you in the meantime with 
his affectionate salutations and assurances of constant 
esteem and respect.^ 



Jefferson's Address to the Inhabitants of Albermarle 
County, in Virginia. 

April 3d, 1809. 

Returning to the scene of my birth and early life, to 

the society of those with whom I was raised, and who 

have been ever dear to me, I receive, fellow citi^ptr; and 

neighbors, with inexpressible pleasure, the cordial wel- 



90 tETTERS AND ADDRESSBS. 

come you are so good as to give me. Long absent on 
duties which the history of a wonderful era made in- 
cumbent on those called to them, the pomp, the turmoil, 
the bustle and splendor of office, have drawn but deeper 
sighs for the tranquil and irresponsible occupations of 
private life, for the enjoyment of an afifectionate inter- 
course with you, my neighbors and friends, and the 
endearments of family love, which nature has given us 
all, as the sweetener of every hour. For these I gladly 
lay down the distressing burthen of power, and seek, 
with my fellow citizens, repose and safety under the 
watchful cares, the labors and perplexities of youngei 
and abler minds. The anxieties you express to admin- 
ister to my happiness, do, of themselves, confer that 
happiness; and the measure will be complete, if my en- 
deavors to fulfill my duties in the several public stations 
to which I have been called, have obtained for me the 
approbation of my country. The part which I have 
acted on the theater of public life has been before them; 
and to their sentence I submit it; but the testimony of my 
native county, of the individuals whO' have known me 
in private life, to my conduct in its various duties and 
relations, is the more grateful, as proceeding from eye 
witnesses and observers, from triers of the vicinage. Of 
you ,then, my neighbors, I may ask, in the face of the 
world, "whose ox have I taken, or whom have I de- 
frauded? Whom have I oppressed, or of whose hand 
have I received a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?" 
On your verdict I rest with conscious security. Your 
wishes for my happiness are received with just sensibility 
and I ofifer sincere prayers for your own welfare and 
prosperity. 



Evils of National Debt. 

Monticello, October nth, 1809. 
To Albert Gallatin: 

I consider the fortunes of our Republic as depend- 
ing, in an eminent degree, on the extinguishment of 
the public debt before we engage in any war; bcause, 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



91 



that done, we shall have revenue enough to improve our 
'country in peace, and defend It in war, without recurring 
to new taxes or loans. But if the debt should once 
more be swelled to a formidable size, its entire discharge 
will be despaired of, and we shall be committed to the 
English career of debt, corruption and rottenness, clos- 
ing with revolution. 

The Mental Caliber of the Crownheads of Europe. 

Monticello, March 5th, 1810. 
To Gov. Langdon: 

When I observed, however, that the King of Eng- 
land was a cypher, I did not mean to confine the ob- 
servation to the mere individual now on that throne. 
The practice of kings marrying only in the families of 
kings has been that of Europe for some centuries. Now, 
take any race of animals, confine them in idleness and 
inaction, whether in a stye, a stable or a state room, 
pamper them with high diet, gratify all their sexual ap- 
petites, immerse them in sensualities, nourish their pas- 
sions, let everything bend before them, and banish what- 
ever might lead them to think, and in a few generations 
they become all body and no mind; and this, too, by a 
law of nature, by that very law by which we are in the 
constant practice of changing the characters and pro- 
pensities of the animals we raise for our own purposes. 
Such is the regimen in raising kings, and in this way they 
have gone on for centuries. While in Europe, I often 
amused myself with contemplating the characters of the 
then reigning sovereigns of Europe. Louis the XVI. 
was a fool, of my own knowledge ,and in despite of the 
answers made for him at his trial. The King of Spam 
was a fool, and of Naples the same. They passed their 
lives in hunting and dispatched two couriers a week, one 
thousand miles, to let each other know what game they 
had killed the preceding days. The King of Sardinia 
was a fool. All these were Bourbons. The Queen of 
Portugal, a Braganza, was an idiot by nature. And so 
was the King of Denmark. Their sons, as regents, exer- 



gt LKTTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

cised the powers of government. The King of Prussia, 
successor to the great Frederick, was a mere hog in body 
as well as in mind. Gustavus of Sweden, and Joseph, 
of Austria, were really crazy, and George of England, 
you know, was in a straight waistcoat. There remained, 
then, none but old Catharine,* who had been too lately 
picked up to have lost her common sense. In this state 
Bonaparte found Europe; and it was this state of its 
rulers which lost it with scarce a struggle. These ani- 
mals had become without mind and powerless; and so 
will every hereditary monarch be after a few generations. 
Alexander, the grandson of Catharine, is as yet an ex- 
ception. He is able to hold his own. But he is only 
of the third generation. His race is not yet worn out. 
And so endeth the book of kings, from all of whom the 
Lord deliver us. 



General Education and Division of Counties into 

Hundreds. 

Monticello, May 26th, 1810. 
To Gov. Tyler: 

You wish to see me again in the Legislature, but 
this is impossible. I have indeed two great measures 
at heart, without which no Republic can maintain itself 
in strength, i. That of general education, to enable 
every man to judge for himself what will secure or en- 
danger his freedom. 2. To divide every county into 
hundreds, of such size that all the children of each will 
be within reach of a central school in it. But this divi- 
sion looks to many other fundamental provisions. 
Every hundred, besides a school, should have a justice of 
the peace, a constable and a captain of militia. These 
officers, or some others within the hundred, should be a 
corporation to manage all its concerns, to take care of its 
roads, its poor, and its police by patroles, etc., (as the 
select men of the Eastern townships). Every hundred 
should elect one or two jurors to serve where requisite, 

*Fmpress of Russia. Her father was Prince of a small princi- 
pality in Germany. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 93 

and all other elections should be made in the hundreds 
separately, and the votes of all the hundreds be brought 
together. Our present captaincies might be declared 
hundreds for the present, with a power to the courts to 
alter them occasionally. Tdiese littk Republics would 
be the main strength of the great one. We owe to them 
the vigor given to our revolution in its commencement in 
the Eastern States, and by them the Eastern States were 
enabled to repeal the embargo* in opposition to the 
Middle, Southern and Western States and their large 
and lubberly division into counties which can never be 
assembled. General orders are given out from a center 
to the foreman of every hundred, as to the sergeants of an 
army, and the whole nation is thrown into energetic 
action, in the same direction in one instant and as one 
man, and becomes absolutely irresistible. Could I once 
see this I should consider it as the dawn of the salvation 
of the Republic, and say with old Simeon: "Let me 
now depart, O, Lord." But our children will be as wise 
as we are, and will establish in the fullness of time those 
things not yet ripe for establishment. 



Jefferson's Relations with Adams and the Difference 
Between Adams' and Hamilton's Political Principles. 

Monticello, January i6th, 1811. 
To Dr. Benjamin Rush: 

I receive with sensibility your observations on the 
discontinuance of friendly correspondence between Mr. 
Adams and myself, and the concern you take in its re- 
storation. This discontinuance has not proceeded from 
me, nor from the want of sincere desire and the efYort on 
my part to renew our intercourse. You know the per- 
fect coincidence of principle and of action, in the early 
part of the Revolution, which produced a high degree 

*In 1807 an embarg-o act was laid on the sailing, unless by per- 
mission of the President, of any vessel in the ports of the United 
States for foreign ports, except foreign ships in ballast, or with 
cargoes taken on board before notification of the act, and coast- 
wise vessels wvre required to give bonds to land their . argoes 
in the United States. In 180!) the law was repealed. 



94 LKTTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

of mutual respect and esteem between Mr. Adams and 
myself. Certainly no man was ever truer than he was, 
in that day, to those principles of rational Republicanism 
which, after the necessity of throwing ofif our monarchy, 
dictated all our efforts in the establishment of a new 
government. And although he swervod afterwards 
towards the principles of the English constitution, our 
friendship did not abate on that account. While he 
was Vice-President and I Secretary of State, I received 
a letter from President Washington, then at Mount Ver- 
non, desiring me to call together the heads of depart- 
ments, and to invite Mr. Adams to join us (which, by 
the bye, was the only instance of that being done), m 
order to determine on some measure which required 
dispatch; and he desired me to act on it, as decided, with- 
out again recurring to him. I invited them to dine with 
me and after dinner, sitting at bur wine, having settled 
our question, other conversation came on, in which a 
collision of opinion arose between Mr. Adams and Col. 
Hamilton on the merits of the British constitution, Mr. 
Adams giving it as his opinion that, if some of its de- 
fects and abuses were corrected, it would be the most 
perfect constitution of government ever devised by man. 
Hamilton, on the contrary, asserted that with its existing 
vices, it was the most perfect model of government that 
could be formed; and that the correction of its vices 
would render it an impracticable government. And this 
you may be assured was the real line of difference be- 
tween the political principles of these two gentlemen. 
Another incident took place on the same occasion, which 
will further delineate Mr. Hamilton's political principles. 
The room being hung around with a collection of the 
portraits of remarkable men, among them were those of 
Bacon, Newton and Lo'cke, Hamilton asked me who 
they were. I told him they were my trinity of the three 
greatest men the world had ever produced, naming them. 
He paused for some time: "The greatest man." said he, 
"that ever lived, was Julius Caesar." Mr. Adams was 
honest as a politician, as well as a man; Hamilton honest 
as a man, but as a politician, believing in the necessity ol 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 95 

either force or corruption to govern men. You remem- 
ber the machinery which the FederaUsts played off about 
that time, to beat down the friends to the real prmciples 
of our constitution, to silence by terror every expression 
in their favor, to bring us into war with France and 
alliance with England, and finally to homologize our 
constitution with that of England. Mr. Adams, you 
know, was overwhelm^ " with feverish addresses, dic- 
tated bv the fear, and often by the pen, of the bloody 
buoy; a'nd was seduced by them into some open indica- 
tions of his new principles ot government, and in fact, 
was so elated as to mix with his kindness a little super- 
cihousness towards me. Even Mrs. Adams, with all 
her good sense and prudence, was sensibly flushed. And 
you recollect the short suspension of our intercourse, 
and the circumstance which gave rise to it, which you 
were so good as to bring to an early explanation, and 
have set to rights, to the cordial satisfaction of us all. 
The nation at length passed condemnation on the politi- 
cal principles of the Federalists, by refusing to continue 
Mr. Adams in the presidency. On the day on which 
we learned in Philadelphia the vote of the city of New 
York, which it was well known would decide the vote of 
the State, and that, again, the vote of the Union, I called 
on Mr. Adams on some official business. He was very 
sensibly affected, and accosted me with these words: 
Well, I understand that you are to beat me in this con- 
test, and I will only say that I will be as faithful a sub- 
ject as any you will have." "Mr. Adams," said I, "this 
is no personal contest between you and me. Two sys- 
tems of principles on the subject of government divide 
our fellow citizens into two parties. With one of these 
you concur, and I with the other. As we have been 
longer on the public stage than most of those now living, 
our names happen to be more generally known. One of 
these parties, therefore, has put your name at its head, 
the other mine. Were we both to die to<lay, to-morrow 
two other names would be in the place of ours, without 
any change in the motion of the machinery. Its mo- 
tion is from its principle, not from you or myself." "I 



96 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

believe you are right," said he, "that we are but pasfsive 
instruments, and should not suffer this matter to affect 
our personal dispositions." But he did not long retain 
this just view of the subject. I have always believed 
that the thousand calumnies which the Federalists, in 
bitterness of heart, and mortification at their ejection, 
daily invented against me, were carried to him by their 
busy intriguers, and made some impression. When the 
election between Burr and myself was kept in suspense 
by the Federalists, and they were meditating to place 
the President of the Senate at the head of the govern- 
ment, I called on Mr, Adams with a view to have this 
desperate measure prevented by his negative. He grew 
warm in an instant, and said with a vehemence he had 
not used towards me before: "Sir, the event of the elec- 
tion is within your own power. You have only to say 
you will do justice to the public creditors, maintain the 
navy and not disturb those holding ofifices and the gov- 
ernment will instantly be put into your hands. We 
know it is the wish of the people it should be so." "Mr. 
Adams," said I, "I know not what part of my conduct, 
in either public or private life, can have authorized a 
doubt of my fidelity to the public engagements. I say, 
however, I will not come into the government by capit- 
ulation. I will not enter on it, but in perfect freedom to 
follow the dictates of my own judgment." I had before 
given the same answer to the same intimation from 
Gov. Morris. "Then," said he, "things must take their 
course." I turned the conversation to something else, 
and soon took my leave. It was the first time in our 
lives we had ever parted with anything like dissatisfac- 
tion. And then followed those scenes of midnight ap-. 
pointment, which have been condemned by all men. 
The last day of his political power, the last hours, and 
even beyond the midnight, were employed in filling all 
offices and especially permanent ones, with the bitterest 
Federalists, and providing for me the alternative, either 
to execute the government by my enemies, whose study 
it w^ould be to thwart and defeat all my measures, or to 
incur the odium of such numerous removals from office, 



97 

I^ETTKRS AND ADDRESSES. 

as might bear me down. A little time and reflection 
effaced in my mind this temporary dissatisfaction with 
Mr Adams, and restored me to that just estimate of his 
virtues and passions, which a long acquaintance had en- 
abled me to fix. And my first wish became that ot 
making his retirement easy by any means m my power; 
for it was understood he was not rich. I suggested to 
some Republican (Democratic) members of the delega- 
tion from his State, the giving him, either directly or in- 
directly, an office, the most lucrative in that State, and 
then offered to be resigned, if they thought he would not 
deem it affrontive. They were of opinion he would take 
great offense at the offer; and moreover, that the body 
of Republicans would consider such a step in the outset 
as arguing very ill of the course I meant to pursue. I 
dropped the idea, therefore, but did not cease to wish foi 
some opportunity of renewing our friendly understand- 



Duties of the Press and of Members of Political Parties. 

Monticello, April 30th, 181 1. 
To Col William Duane: 

I think an editor should be independent, that_ is of 
personal influence, and not be moved from his opinions 
on the mere authority of any individual. But, Vv'ith re- 
spect to the general opinion of the political section with 
which he habitually accords, his duty seems very like 
that of a member of Congress. Some of these indeed 
think that independence requires them to follow always 
their own opinion, without respect for that of others. 
This has never been my opinion, nor my practice, when 
I have been of that or any other body. Differing on a 
particular question from those whom T knew to be ot 
the same political principles with myself, and with whom 
I generally thought and acted; a consciousness of the 
fallibility of the human mind, and of my own in par- 
ticular, with a respect for the accumulated judgment of 
my friends, has induced me to suspect erroneous impres- 
sions in myself, to suppose my own opinion wrong, and 



98 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

to act with them on theirs. The want of this spirit of 
compromise, or of self-distrust, proudly, but falsely 
called independence, is what gives the Federalists vic- 
tories which they could never obtain, if these brethren 
could learn to respect the opinions of their friends more 
than of their enemies, and prevents many able and honest 
men from doing all the good they otherwise might do. 
I state these considerations because they have often 
quieted my own conscience in voting and acting on the 
judgment of others against my own; and because they 
may suggest doubts to yourself in the present case. Our 
executive and legislative authorities are the choice of the 
nation, and possess the nation's confidence. They are 
chosen because they possess it, and the recent elections 
prove it has not been abated by the attacks which have 
for some time been kept up against them. If the meas- 
ures which have been pursued are approved by the ma- 
jority, it is the duty of the minority to acquiesce and 
conform. It is true indeed that dissentients have a right 
to go over to the minority, and to act with them. But 
I do not believe your mind has contemplated that course, 
that it has deliberately viewed the strange company into 
which it may be led, step by step, unintended and un- 
perceived by itself. The example of John Randolph is 
a caution to all honest and prudent men, to sacrifice a 
little of self-confidence, and to go with their friends, al- 
though they may sometimes think they are going wrong. 
After so long a course of steady adherence to the general 
sentiments of the Republicans, it would afitlict me sincerely 
to see you separate from the body, become auxiliary to 
the enemies of our government, who have to you been 
the bitterest enemies, who are now chuckling at the 
prospect of division among us, and, as I am told, are 
subscribing for your paper. The best indication of error 
•which my experience has tested, is the approbation of the 
Federalists. Their conclusions necessarily follow the 
false bias of their principles. I claim, however, no right 
of guiding the conduct of others; but have indulged 
myself in these observations from the sincere feelings of 
my heart. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 99 

Friendly Relations Restored Between Jefferson and 

John Adams. 

Monticello, January 21st, 1812. 
To John Adams: 

A letter from you calls up recollections very dear to 
my mind. It carries .me back to the times when, beset 
with difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers m 
the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to 
ni'an, his right of self-government. Labormg always at 
the same oar, with some wave ever ahead, threatenmg 
to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless under out 
bark, we knew not how we rode through the storm with 
heart and hand, and made a happy port. Still we did not 
expect to be without rubs and difficulties; and we have 
had them. Sometimes, indeed, I look back to former 
occurrences, in remembrance of our old friends and fel- 
low laborers, who have fallen before us. Of tne signers 
of the Declaration of Independence, I see now living 
not more than half a dozen on your side of the Potomac, 
and on this side, myself alone. You and I have been 
wonderfully spared, and myself with remarkable health, 
and a considerable activity of body and mind. I am on 
horseback three or four hours of every day; visit three 
or four times a year a possession I have ninety miles 
distant, performing the winter journey on horseback. I 
walk Uttle, however, a single mile being too much for 
me, and I live in the midst of my grand children, one 
of whom has lately promoted me to be a great grand- 
father, I have heard with pleasure that you also retain 
good health, and a greater power of exercise in walking 
than I do. But I Avould rather have heard this from 
yourself, and that writing a letter like mine, full of 
egotisms, and of details of your health, your habits, oc- 
cupations and enjoyments, I should have the pleasure of 
knowing that in the race of life, you do not keep in its 
physical decline the same distance ahead of me which 
you have done in political honors and achievements. 
No circumstances have lessened the interest I feel in 
these particulars respecting yourself; none have sus- 



100 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

pended for one moment my sincere esteem for you, and 
I now salute you with unchanged affection and respect. 

Parties in United States and Washington's poHtical 

Principles. 

Monticello, January 13th, 1813. 
To Mr. Melish: 

That each party endeavors to get into the administra- 
tion of the government and exclude the other from power, 
is true and may be stated as a motive of action; but 
this is only secondary; the primary motive being a real 
and radical difference of political principle. I sincerely wish 
our differences were but personally who should govern 
and that the principles of our constitution were those of 
both parties. Unfortunately, it is otherwise; and the 
question of preference between monarchy and Republi- 
canism, which has so long divided mankind elsewhere, 
threatens a permanent division here. 

Among that section of our citizens called Federalists, 
there are three shades of opinion. Distinguishing be- 
tween the leaders and people who compose it, the leaders 
consider the English constitution as a model of perfection, 
some with a correction of its vices, others, with all its cor- 
ruptions and abuses. This last was Alexander Hamilton's 
opinion, which others, as well as myself, have often 
heard him declare, and that a correction of what are 
called its vices, would render the English an impractica- 
ble government. This government thev wished to have 
established here, and only accepted and held fast, at 
first, to the present constitution, as a stepping stone to 
the final establishment of their favorite model. This 
party has therefore always clung to England as their 
prototype, and great auxiliary in promoting and effect- 
mg this change. A weighty minority, however, of 
these leaders, considering the voluntary conversion of 
our government into a monarchy as too distant, if not 
desperate, wish to break off from our Union its Eastern 
fragment, as being, in truth, the hot bed of American 
monarchism, with a view to a commencement of their 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



101 



favorite government, from whence the other States may 
j^angrene by degrees, and the whole be thus brought 
finally to the desired point. For Massachusetts, the 
prime mover in this enterprise, is the last State in the 
Union to mean a final separation, as being of all the 
most dependent on the others. Not raising bread for 
the sustenance of her own inhabitants, not having a stick 
of timber for the construction of vessels, her principal 
occupation, nor an article to export in them, where 
would she be, excluded from the ports of the other 
States, and thrown into dependence on England, her 
direct and natural, but now insidious rival? At the head 
of this minority is what is called the Essex Junto* of 
Massachusetts. But the majority of these leaders do 
not aim alt separation. In this, they adhere to the 
known principle of Gen. Hamilton, never, under any 
views, to break the Union. Anglomany, monarchy and 
separation ,then, are the principles of the Essex Federal- 
ists. Anglomany and monarchy, those of the Hamil- 
tonians and Anglomany alone, that of the portion among 
the people who call themselves Federalists. These last 
are as good Republicans as the brethren whom they 
opposed, and difter from them only in their devotion 
to England and hatred of France which they 
have imbibed from their leaders. The moment that 
these leaders should avowedly propose a separation of 
the Union, or the establishment of regal government, 
their popular adherents would quit them to a man, and 
join the Republican standard; and the partisans of this 
change, even in Massachusetts, would thus find them- 
selves an army of officers without a soldier. 

The party called Republican is steadily for the sup- 
port of the present constitution. They obtained at its 
commencement all ithe amendments to it they desired. 
These reconciled them to it perfectly, and if they have 
any ulterior view, it is only, perhaps, to popularize it 
further, by shortening the senatorial term and devising a 
process for the responsibility of judges, more practica- 



*Essex Cabal. 



102 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

ble than that of impeachment. They esteem the people 
of England and France equally, and equally detest the 
governing powers of both. 

This I verily believe, after an intimacy of lorty years 
with the public councils and characters, is a true state- 
ment of grounds on which they are at present divided, 
and that it is not merely an ambition for power. An 
honest man can feel no pleasure in the exercise of power 
over his fellow citizens. And considering as the only 
offices of power those conferred by the people directly, 
that is to say, the executive and legislative functions of 
the general and State governments, the common refusal 
of these, and multiplied resignations, are proofs sufficient 
that power is not alluring to pure minds, and is not,, 
with them, the primary principle of contest. This is my 
belief of it, it is that on which I have acted; and had 
it been a mere contest who should be permitted to ad- 
minister the government according to its genuine Re- 
publican principles, there has never been a moment of 
my life in which I should have relinquished for it the 
enjoyments of my family, my farm, my friends and 
books. 

You expected to discover the difference of our party 
principles in Gen. Washington's valedictory, and my 
inaugural address. Not at all. Gen. Washing :on did 
not harbor one principle of Federalism. He was neither 
an Angloman, a monarchist, nor a separatist. He sm- 
cerely wished the people to have as much self-govern- 
ment as they were competent to exercise themselves. 
The only point on which he and I ever differed in opin- 
ion, was that I had more confidence than he had in the 
natural integrity and discretion of the people, and in the 
safety and extent to which they might trust themselves 
with a control over their government. He has as- 
severated to me a thousand times his determination that 
the existing government should have a fair trial, and that 
in support of it he would spend the last drop of his 
blood. He did this the more repeatedly, because he 
knew Gen. Hamilton's political bias, and my apprehen- 
sions from it. It is a mere calumny, therefore, in the 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

u- . ir. pc;c;oriate Gen. Washington with their 
monarchists to a so ate^e J^^ .^^ ^^^^^ 

mmmm 

worthies' li I have dwelt longer on this subject than 
^a necessary, h proves the estimation mwhjch I ho d 
your ultimate opinions, and my ^^/^^ °^ /^^^'^"f,^^ 
subiect truly before them." In so domg, I ^"^ "^^^^^ 
Trisk no use of the communication wliich may draw rne 
Lto contention before the public. Tranquility is the 
highest happiness of a man of seventy. 

Jefferson's Views on Finance. 

Monticello, June 24th, 181 3. 

To John W. Eppes: 

It is a wise rule, and should be fundamental in a 
government disposed to cherish its credit and at the 

fame time to restrain the use ^^ /^ ^^^^l"/^^ ^/.^vln. I 
its faculties, never to borrow a dollar without la>ing a 
tax in the same instant for paying the interest annually, 
and the principle within a given term; and to consider 
thattaxaspledgedto the creditors on the public faith. Un 
such a pledge^as this, sacredly observed, a government 
may alwavs command, on a reasonable interest, all the 
lendable money of their citizens, while the necessity of 
an equivalent tax is a salutary warning to them and 
their constituents against oppressions, bankruptcy, and 
its inevitable consequence, revolution. But tne term 
of redemption must be moderate, and at any rate withm 
the limits of their rightful powers. But what hmi;S it 
will be asked, does this prescribe to their powers? What 
is to hinder them from creating a perp-tual debt? ihe 
laws of nature, I answer. The earth belongs to the liv- 
ing not to the dead. The will and the power oi man 
expire with his life, by nature's law. Some societies give 
it an artificial continuance, for the encouragement of 
industry; some refuse it, as our aboriginal neighbors, 



104 LKTTERS AND ADDRKSSES. 

whom we call barbarbians. The generations oi men 
may be considered as bodies of corporations. Each 
generation has the usufruct of the earth during the 
period of its continuance. When it ceases to exist, the 
usufruct passes on to the succeeding generation, free 
and unincumbered, and so on, successively, from one 
gtr:eration to another forever. We may consider each 
generation as a distinct nation, with a right, by the will 
of its majority, to bind themselves, but none to bind 
the succeeding generation, more than the inhabitants 
of another country. Or the case may be likened to the 
ordinary one of a tenant for life, who may hypothecate 
th'j land for his debts, during tiie continuance of his 
usufruct; but at his death, the reversioner, (who is also 
for life only) receives it exonerated from all burthen. 
The period of a generation, or the term of its life, is 
determined by the laws of mortality, which, varying a 
little only in dififerent climates, offer a general average, 
to be found by observation. I turn, for instance, to 
Bufifon's tables, of twenty-three l!iousand nine hundred 
and ninety-four deaths, and the ages at which they hap- 
pened, and I find that of the numbers of all ages living 
at one moment, half will be dead in twenty-four years 
and eight months. But (leaving oi.it minors, who have 
not the power of self-government) cvf the adults (of twen- 
ty-one years of age), living at one monienr, a majority 
of whom act for the society, one-half will be dead in 
eight ten years and eight months. At nineteen years 
thru from the date of a contract, the majority of the con- 
tractors are dead, and their contract with them. Let 
this general theory be applied to a particular case. Sup- 
pose the annual births of the State of New York to be 
twenty-three thousand nine hundred and ninety-four, 
the whole number of its inhabitants, according to 
Buffon, will be six hundred and seventeen thousand 
seven hundred and three, of all ages. Of these there 
would constantly (be two hundred and sixty-nine thous- 
and two hundred and eighty-six minors, and ihree hun- 
dred and forty-eight thousand four hundred and seven- 
teen adults, of which last, one hundred and seventy-four 



LKTTKRS AND ADDRESSES. 105 

thorsand two hundred and nine \\\\\ be a majority. 
Suppose that majority, on the first day of the year 1794, 
had borrowed a sum of money equal to the fee smiple 
vahie of the State, and to have consumed it m eatmg, 
drinking and making merry in their day; or, if you 
please, in quarreling and fighting with their unoffending 
neighbors. Within eighteen years and eight months, 
one'^half of the adult citizens were dead. Till then, be- 
ing the majority, they might rightfully levy the interest 
of their debt annuallv on themselves and their fellow re- 
vellers, or fellow champions. But at that period, say at 
this moment, a new majority have come into place, in 
their own right, and not under the rights, the conditions 
or laws of their predecessors. Are they bound to ac- 
knowledge the debt, to consider the preceding genera- 
tion as having had a right to eat up the whole soil oi 
their country, in the course of a life, to alienate it from 
them (for it would be an alienation to the creditors), 
and would they think themselves either legally or moral- 
ly bound to give up their country and emigrate to an- 
other for subsistence? Every one will say no; that the 
soil is the gift of God to the living, as much as it had 
been to the deceased generation; and that the laws of 
nature impose no obligation on them to pay tiie debt. 
And although, like some other natural rights, this has 
not yet entered into any declaration of rights, it is no 
less a law, and ought to be acted on by honest govern- 
ments. It is, at the same time, a salutary curb on the 
spirit of war and indebtment, which, since the modern 
theory of the perpetuation of debt, has drenched the 
earth with blood, and crushed its inhabitants under 
burthens ever accumulating. Had this principle been 
declared in the British bill of rights, England would have 
been placed under the happy disability of waging eter- 
nal war, and of contracting her thousand millions of 
public debt. In seeking, then, for an ultimate term for 
the redemption of our debts, let us rally to this principle, 
and provide for their payment within the term of nine- 
teen years at the farthest. Our government has not, 
as yet, begun to act on the rule of loans and taxation go^ 



106 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

ing hand in hand. Had any loan taken place in my 
time I should have strongly urged a redeeming tax. For 
the loan which has been made since the last session of 
Congress, we should now set the example of appro- 
priating some particular tax, sufficient to pay the in- 
terest annually, and the principle within a fixed term, 
less than nineteen years. And 1 hope yourself and your 
committee will render the immortal service of introduc- 
ing this practice. Not that it is expected that Con- 
gress should formally declare such a principle. They 
wisely enough avoid deciding on abstract questions. 
But they may be induced to keep themselves within its 
limits. I am sorry to see our loans begin at so exorbi- 
tant an interest. And yet, even at that you will soon be 
at the bottom of the loan bag. We are an agricultural 
nation. Such a one employs its sparings in the pur- 
chase or improvement of land or stocks. The lendable 
money among them is chiefly that of orphans and wards 
in the hands of executors and guardians, and that which 
the farmer lays by till he has enough for the purchase 
in view. In such a nation there is one and one only re- 
source for loans, sufficient to carry them through the ex- 
pense of a war; and that will always be sufficient, and 
in the power of an honest government, punctual in the 
preservation of its faith. The fund I mean, is the mass 
of circulating coin. Every one knows that although 
not literally it is nearly true, that every paper dollar 
emitted banishes a silver one from the circulation. A 
nation, therefore, making its purchases and payments 
with bills fitted for circulation, thrusts an equal sum of 
coin "out of circulation. This is equivalent tO' borrow- 
ing that sum, and yet the vendor receiving payment in 
a medium as effectual as coin for his purchases or pay- 
ments, has no claim to interest. And so the nation may 
continue to issue its bills as far as its wants require, and 
the limits of the circulation will admit. Those limits are 
understood to extend with us at present, to two hundred 
millions of dollars, a greater sum than would be neces- 
sary for any war. But this, the only resource which the 
government could command -with certainty, the States 



LfiTTKRS AND ADDRE: SUS. 107 

have unfortunately fooled away, nay, corruptly alienated 
to swindlers and shavers, under the cover of private 
banks. Say, too, as an additional evil, that the disposal 
funds of individuals, to this great amount, have thus 
been withdrawn from improvement and useful enter- 
prise, and employed in the useless, usurious and de- 
moralizing practices of bank directors and their accom- 
plices. In the war of 1755, our State availed itself of 
this fund by issuing a paper money, bottomed on a 
specific tax for its redemption, and to insure its credit, 
bearing an interest of 5 per cent. Within a very short 
time, not a bill of this emission was to be found In cir- 
culation. It was locked up in the chests of executors, 
guardians, widows, farmers, etc. We then issued bills 
bottomed on a redeeming tax, but bearing no interest. 
These were readily received, and never depreciated a 
single farthing. In the revolutionary war, the old Con- 
gress and the States issued bills without interest, and 
without tax. They occupied the channels of circulation 
very freely, till those channels were overflowed by an 
excess beyond all the calls of circulation. But although 
we have so improvidently suffered the field of circulat- 
ing medium to be filched from us by private individuals, 
yet I think we may recover it in part, and even in the 
whole, if the States will co-operate with us. If treasury 
bills are emitted on a tax appropriated for their redemp- 
tion in fifteen years, and (to insure preference in the 
first moments of competition), bearing an interest of 6 
per cent, there is no one who would not take them in 
preference to the bank paper now afloat, on a principle 
of patriotism as well as interest; and they would be with- 
drawn from circulation into private boards to a consid- 
erable amount. Their credit once esltablished, others 
might be emitted, bottomed also on a tax, but not bear- 
ing interest; and if ever their credit faltered, open public 
loans, on which these bills alone should be received as 
specie. These, operating as a sinking fund, would re- 
duce the quantity in circulation, so as to maintain that 
in an equilibrium with specie. It is not easy to estimate 
the obstacles which, in the beginning, we should en- 



108 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

counter in ousting the banks from their possession of 
the circulation; but a steady and judicious alternation 
of emissions and loans, would reduce them in time. But 
while this is going on, another measure should be 
pressed, to recover ultimately our right to the circula- 
tion. The States should be applied to, to transfer the 
right of issuing circulating paj^er to Congress exclu- 
sively forever, if possible, but during the war at least, 
with a saving of charter rights. I believe that every 
State west and south of Connecticut River, except Dela- 
ware, would immediately do it; and the others would 
follow in time. Congress would, of cO'Urse, begin by 
obliging unchartered banks to wind up their affairs 
within a short time, and the others as their charters 
expired, forbidding the subsequent circulation of their 
paper. This they would supply with their own, fcot- 
tomed, every emission, on an adequate tax, and bear- 
ing or not bearing interest, as the state of the public 
pulse should indicate. Even in the non-complymg 
States, these bills would make their way, and supplant 
the unfunded paper of their banks, by tlieir solidity, by 
the universality of their currency, and by their receiva- 
bility for customs and taxes. It would be in their power, 
too, to curtail those banks to the amount of their actual 
specie, by gathering up their paper, and running it con- 
stantly on them. The national paper might thus take 
place even in the non-complying States. In this way, 
I am not without a hope, that this great, this sole re- 
source for loans in an agricultural country, might yet be 
recovered for the use of the nation during war; and if 
obtained forever, it would always be sufficient to carry 
us through any war; provided, that in the interval be- 
tween war and war, all the outstanding paper should be 
called in, coin be permitted to flow in again, and to hold 
the l^eld of circulation until another war should require 
its yielding place again to the national medium. 

Bu't it will be asked are we to have no banks? Are 
merchants and others to be deprived of the resource of 
short accommodations, found so convenient? I answer 
let us have banks; but let them be such as are alone to 



LETTERS. AND ADDRESSES. 109 

be found in any country on earth, except Great Britain 
There is not a bank of discount on the contment of 
Europe (at least there was no(t one when I was there), 
which offers anything but cash in exchange lOr dis- 
counted bills. No one has a natural right to the trade ot 
a money lender, but he who has the money to lend. 
Let those then among us, who have a monicd capital, 
and who prefer employing it in loans rather than other- 
wise, set up banks and give cash or national bills for the 
notes they discount. Perhaps, to encourage them, a 
larger interest than is legal in the other cases might be 
allowed them, on the condition of their lending for short 
periods only. It is from Great Britain we copy the idea 
of giving paper in exchange for discounted bills; and 
while we have derived from that country some good 
principles of government and legislation, we unfortun- 
ately run inlothe most servile imitation of all her prac- 
tice's, ruinous as they prove to her, and with the guli 
yawning before us into which these very practices are 
precipitating her. 

Jefferson's Views of the National Bank Proposed in 1813. 

Monticello, November 6th, 1813. 
To John W. Eppes: 

The scheme is for Congress to establish a national 
bank,'^ suppose of thirty millions capital, of which 
they shah contribute ten millions, the States ten millions 
and individuals ten millions; the whole, however, to be 
under the exclusive management of the individual sub- 
scribers, who are to name all the directors; neither Con- 
gress nor the States having any power of interference 
in its administration. The charter is proposed to be 
for forty or fifty years, and if any future augmentations 
should take place, the individual proprietors are to have 
the privilege of being the sole subscribers for that. 
They (the Congress) authorize this bank to throw 



♦The charter of the United States Bank had expired in ISll 
and it was urged in Congress to recharter it for twenty years, 
which was done in 1S16. In 1836 the bank closed its doors, having 
twenty thousand dollars assets and one hundred millions liabili- 
ties. 



110 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

into circulation ninety millions of dollars (fiat paper 
money). The individual subscribers, on paying their 
own five millions of cash to Congress, become the 
depositories of ten millions of stock belonging to Con- 
gress, five millions belonging to the States, and five 
millions to themselves, say tv^^enty millions, with which, 
as no one has ever a right to see their books, or to ask 
a question, they may choose their time for running 
away, after adding to their boo*ty the proceeds of as 
much of their own notes as they shall be able to throw 
into circulation. The subscribers may 'be one, two or 
three or more individuals (many single individuals 'be- 
ing able to pay in the five millions), whereupon the 
bank oligarchy or monarchy enters the field with ninety 
millions of dollars, to direct and control the politics of 
the nation; and of the influence of these institutions on 
our politics and into what scale it will be thrown, we 
have had abundant experience. Indeed, England her- 
self may be the real, while her friend and trustee here 
shall be the nominal and sole subscriber. This state of 
things is to be fastened on us, without the power of 
relief, for forty or fifty years_. That is to say, the eight 
millions of people now existing for the sake of receiving 
one dollar and twenty-five cents apiece, at 5 per cent 
interest, are to subject the fifty millions of people who 
are to succeed them within that term, to the payment 
of forty-five millions of dollars, principal and interest, 
which will be payable in the course of the fifty years. 

It is a litigated question, whether the circulation of 
paper, rather than of specie, is a good or an evil. In 
the opinion of England and of English writers it is a 
good; in that of all other nations it is an evil, and ex- 
cepting England and her copyist, the United States, 
there is not a nation existing. I believe, which tolerates 
a paper circulation. The experiment is going on, how- 
ever desperately in England, pretty boldly with us, and 
at the end of the chapter, we shall see which opinion 
experience approves; for I believe it to be one of those 
cases where mercantile clamor will bear down reason, 
until it is corrected bv ruin. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. HI 

At the time -we were funding our national debt, we 
heard much about "a public debt being a public bless- 
ing ;"thatthe stock representing it was a creation of active 
capital for the aliment of commerce, manufactures and 
agriculture. This paradox was well-adapted to the 
rninds of believers in dreams and the gulls of that size 
entered bona fide in it. But the art and mystery of 
banks is a wonderful improvement on that. It is estab- 
lished on the principle that "private debts are a public 
blessing." That the evidences of those private debts, 
called bank notes, become active capital, and aliment 
the whole conmierce, manufactures and agriculture 
of the United States. Here are a set of people, 
for instance, who have bestowed on us the great bless- 
ing of running in our dc'bt about two hundred millions 
of dollars, without our knowing who they are, where 
Ihey are, or what property they have to pay this debt 
when called on; nay, who have made us so sensible of 
the blessings of letting them run in our debt, that we 
have exempted them by law from the repayment of these 
debts beyond a given proportion (generally estimated 
at one-third). And to fill up the measure of blessing, 
instead of paying, they receive an interest on what they 
owe from those to whom they owe; for all the notes, or 
evidences of what they owe, which we see in circulation, 
have been lent to somebody on an interest which is 
levied again on us through the medium of commerce. 
And they are .so ready still to deal out their liberalities 
to us, that they are now willing to let themselves run in 
our debt ninety millions more, on our paying them the 
same premium of 6 or 8 per cent interest, and on the 
same legal exemption from the repayment of more than 
thirty millions of the debt, when it shall be called for. 
But let us look at this principle in its original form, 
and its copy will then be equally understood. "A public 
debt is a public blessing." That our debt was juggled 
from forty-three up to eighty millions, and funded at 
that amount, according to this opinion was a great 
public blessing, because the evidences of it could be 
vested in commerce, and thus converted into active 



112 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

capital, and then the more the debt was made to be, 
the more active capital was created. That is to say, the 
creditors could now employ in commerce the money due 
them from the public, and make from it an annual profit 
of 5 per cent, or four millions of dollars. But observe 
that the public were at the same time paying on it an 
interest of exactly the same amount of four millions of 
dollars. Where then is the gain to either party, which 
m'akes it a public blessing? If the debt which the 
banking companies owe be a blessing to anybody, it is 
to themselves alone, who are realizing a solid interest 
of 8 or 10 per cent on it. As to the public, these com^ 
panics have banished all our gold and silver medium, 
which, before their institution, we had without interest, 
which never could have perished in our hands, and 
would have been our salvation now in the hour of war; 
instead of ^vhich they have given us two hundred mil- 
lions of froth and bubble, on which we are to pay them 
heavy interest, until it shall vanish into air. 

It is said that our paper (these bank notes) is as good 
as silver, because we may have silver for it at the bank 
where it issues. This is not true. One, two or three 
persons might have it; but a general application would 
soon exhaust their vaults, and leave a ruinous propor- 
tion of their paper in its intrinsic worthless form. It is 
a fallacious pretence, for another reason. The inhabi- 
tants of the banking cities might obtain cash for their 
paper, as far as the cash of the vaults would hold out, 
but distance puts it out of the power of the country to 
do this. A farmer having a note of a Boston or Charles- 
ton bank, distant hundreds of miles, has no means of 
calling for the cash. And while those calls are imprac- 
ticable for the country, the banks have no fear of their 
being made from the towns; because their inhabitants 
are mostly on their books, and there on sufferance only, 
and during good behavior. 

Evil of the System of Banks. 

Monticello, January i6th, 1814. 
To Dr. Thomas Cooper: 

Everything predicted by the enemies of banks, in 



LETTRRS AND ADDRESSES. H^ 

the beginming, is now coming to pass. We are to be 
ruined now by the dehige of bank paper, as we were 
formerly by the old Continental paper. It is cruel that 
such revolutions in private fortunes should be at the 
mercy of avaricious adventurers, who, instead of employ- 
ing their capital, if any they have, in manufactures, 
commerce and other useful pursuits, make it an instru- 
ment to burden all the interchanges of property with 
their siwindling profits, profits which are the price of no 
useful industry of theirs. Prudent men must be on 
their guard in this game of Robin's alive, and take care 
that the spark does not extinguish in their hands. I 
am an enemy to all banks discounting bills or notes for 
anything but coin. But our whole country is so fas- 
cinated by this Jack lantern wealth, that they will not 
stop short of its total and fatal explosion.* 

Jefferson's Hostility to Banks. 

Monticello, January 24th, 1814. 
To John Adams: 

I have ever been the enemy of banks, not of those 
discounting for cash, but of those foisting their own 
paper into circulation, and thus banishing our cash. 
My zeal against those institutions was so warm and open 
at the establishment of the Bank of the United States, 
that I was derided as a maniac by the tribe of bank 
mongers, who were seeking to filch from the public their 
Siwindling and barren gains. But the errors of that day 
can not be recalled. The evils they have engendered are 
now upon us, and the question is how we are to get 
out of them? Shall we build an altar to the old paper 
money of the revolution, which ruined individuals, but 
saved the Republic, and burn on that all the bank char- 
ters, present and future, and their notes with them? For 
these are to ruin both Republic and individuals. This 
can not be done. The mania is too strong. It has 
seized, b}^ its delusions and corruptions, all the members 
of our governments, general, special and individual. 



*This took place, as predicted, four years later. 



114 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

Our circulating paper of the last year was estimated at 
two hundred millions of dollars. The new banks now 
petitioned for, to the several legislatures, are for about 
sixtv millions additional capital, and of course, one hun- 
dred and eighty millions of additional circulation, neai- 
ly doubling that of the last year, and raising the whole 
mass to near four hundred millions, or forty for one, 
of tlie wholesome amount of circulation for a popula- 
tion of eight millions circumstanced as we are, and 
you remember how rapidly our money went down after 
our forty for one establishmerit in the revolution. I 
doubt if the present trash can hold as long. I think the 
three hundred and eighty millions must blow all up in 
the course of the present year, or certainly it will be 
consummated by the re-duplication to take place, of 
course,, at the legislative meetings of the next winter. 
Should not prudent men, who possess stock in any 
monied institution, either draw and hoard the cash 
now while they can, or exchange it for canal stock, or 
such other as being bottomed on immovable property, 
will remain unhurt by the crush? I have been endeav- 
oring to persuade a friend in our Legislature to try and 
save this State from the general ruin by timely inter- 
ference. But it will not be done. You might as 
well, with the sailors, wfliistle to the wind, as suggest 
precautions against having too much money. We must 
bend then before the gale, and try to hold fast ourselves 
by some plank of the wreck. 



Social Condition of the United States Compared with 
That of England and the Suspension of Banks. 

Monticello, September loth, 1814. 
To Thomas Cooper, Esq.: 

A comparison of the conditions of Great Britain 
and the United States, which is the subject of your 
letter of August 17th, would be an interesting theme in- 
deed. To discuss it minutely and demonstratively would 
be far beyond the limits of a letter. I will'give you, 
therefore, in brief only, the result of mv reflections on 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. H^ 

the subject. I agree with you in your facts, and in 
many of your reflections. ^ly conclusion is without 
doubt, as I am sure yours will be, when the appeal to 
your sound judgment is seriously made. The popu- 
lation of England is composed of three descriptions ot 
persons (for those of minor note are, too mconsiderablel 
to affect a general estimate). These are: i. The aris- 
tocracy, comprehending the nobility, the wealthy com- 
moners, the high grades of priesthood, and the officers 
of government. 2. The laboring class. 3. The 
eleemosynary class, or paupers, who are about one-fifth 
of the whole. The aristocracy, which has tlie laws and 
government in their hands, have so managed them as 
to reduce the third description below the means of sup- 
porting life, even by labor; and to force the second, 
whether emploved in agriculture or the arts, to the maxi- 
mum of labor which the construction of the human body 
can endure, and to the minimum of food, and of the 
meanest kind, vwhich Avill preserve it in life, and in 
strength sufihcient to perform its functions. To obtain 
food enough, and clothing, not only their whole strength 
must be unremittingly exerted, but the utmost dexterity 
also which they can acquire; and those of great dexterity 
only can keep their ground, while those of less must 
sink into the class of paupers. Nor is it manual dex- 
terity alone, but the acutest resources of the mind also 
which are impressed into this struggle for life; and such 
as have means a little above the rest, as the master work- 
men, for instance, must strengthen themselves by ac- 
quiring as much of the philosophy of their trade as will 
enable them to compete with their rivals, and keep 
themselves above ground. Hence the industry and 
manual dexterity of their journeymen and day laborers 
and the. science of their master workmen keep them in 
the foremosit ranks of coaupetition with those of other 
nations; and the less dexterous individuals, falling into 
ihe eleemosynary ranks, furnish materials for armies 
and navies to defend their country, exercise piracy on 
the ocean, and carry conflagration, plunder and devasta- 
tion on the shores o-f all 'those who endeavor to with- 



116 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

Stand their aggressions. A society thus constituted 
possesses certainly the means of defense. But what 
does it defend? The pauperism of the lowest class, the 
abject oppression of the laboring, and the luxury, the 
riot, the domination and the vicious happiness of the 
aristo:racy. In their hands, the paupers are used as 
tools to maintain their own wretchedness, and to keep 
down the laboring portion by shooting them whe.never 
the desperation produced by the cravings of their 
stomachs drives them into riots. Such is the happiness 
of scientific England; now let us see the American 
side of the medal. 

And, first, we have no paupers, the old and crippled 
among us, who possess nothing and have no families to 
take care of them, being too few to merit notice as a 
separate section of society, or to affect a general esti- 
mate. The great mass of our population is of laborers; 
our rich, who can live without labor, either manual oi 
professional, being few, and of moderate wealth.. ]\Iast 
of the laboring class possess property, cultivate their 
own lands, have families, and from the demand for their 
labor are enabled to exact from the rich and the com- 
petent such prices as enable them to be fed abundantly, 
clothed above mere decency, to labor moderately and 
raise their families. They are not driven to the ulti- 
mate resources of dexterity and skill, because their 
wares will sell, although not quite so nice as tTiose of 
England. The wealthy, on the other hand, and thos'C 
at their ease, know nothing of what the Europeans 
call luxury. They have only somewhat more of the 
comforts and decencies of life than those who furnish 
tliem. Can any condition of society be more desirable 
than this? Nor in the class of laborers do I mean to 
withhold from the comparison that portion whose color 
has condemned them, in certain parts of our Union, to 
a subjection to the will of others. Even these are better 
fed in these States, warmer clothed and labor less than 
the journeymen or day laborers of England. They 
have the comforf, too, of numerous families, in the 
midst of whom they live without want, or fear of it; a 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSBS. 1^' 

solace which few of die laborers of England possess. 
They are subject, it is true, to bodily coercion, but are 
not the hundreds of thousands of British soldiers and 
seamen subject to the same, without seeing, at the end 
of their career, when age and accident shall have ren- 
dered them unequal to labor, the certainty, which the 
other has, that he will never want? And has not the 
British seaman, as much as the African, been reduced 
to this bondage by force, in flagrant violation of his 
own consent, and of his natural right in his own person? 
And with the laborers of England generally, does not 
the moral coercion of want subject their will as despot- 
ically to that of their employer, as the physical con- 
straint does the soldier, the seaman, or the slave? But 
do not mistake me. I am not advocating slavery. I 
am not justifying the wrongs Ave have committed on a 
foreign people, by the example of another nation com- 
mitting equal wrongs on their own subjects. On the 
contrary, there is nothing I would not sacrifice to a 
practicable plan of abolis'hing every vestige of this 
moral and political depravity. But I am at present 
comparing the condition and degree of suffering to 
which op[jr«.^r;.'ion has reduced the man of one color, 
with the condition and degree of suffering to which 
oppression has reduced the man of another color; equally 
condemning both. Now let us compute by numbers 
the sum of happiness of the two countries. In England 
happiness is the lot of the aristocracy only; and the 
proportion they bear to the laborers and paupers, you 
know better than I do. Were I to guess that they are 
four in every hundred, then the happiness of the nation 
would be to its misery as one in twenty-five. In the 
United States it is as eight millions to zero, or as all 
to none. But it is said they possess the means of de- 
fense, and that we do not. How so? Are we not men? 
Yes; but our men are so happy at home that they will 
not hire themselves to be shot at for a shilling a day. 
Hence we can have no standing armies for de- 
fense, because we have no paupers to furnish the ma- 
terials. The Greeks and Romans had no standing 



118 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

armies, yet they defended themselves. The Greeks by 
their laws, and the Romans by the spirit of their people, 
took care to put into the hands of their rulers no such 
engine of oppression as a standing army. Their system 
was to make every man a soldier, and oblige him to re- 
pair to the standard of his country whenever that was 
reared. This made them invincible, and the same 
remedy will make us so. In the beginning of our gov- 
ernment we were willing to introduce the least coercion 
possible on the will of the citizen. Hence a system of 
TMlitary duty was established too indulgent to his indo- 
lence. This is the first opportunity ^ve have had of 
trying it, and it has completely failed; an issue foreseen 
by many, and for which remedies have been proposed. 
That of classing the mihtia according to age, and 
allotting each age to the particular kind of service to 
which it was competent, was proposed to Congress in 
1805, and subsequently; and, on the last trial, was lost, 
I believe, by a single vote only. Had it prevailed what 
has now happened would not have happened. Instead 
of burning our capitol, we should have possessed theirs 
in Montreal and Quebec. We must now adopt it, and 
all will be safe. 

The crisis, then, of the abuses of banking is arrived.* 
The banks have pronounced their own sentence of 
death. Between two and three hundred millions of dol- 
lars of their promissory notes are in the hands of the 
people, for solid produce and property sold, and they 
formally declare they will not pay them. A fearful 
tax! If equalized on all, but overwhelming and con- 
vulsive by its partial fall. From the establishment of 
the United States Bank, to this day, I have preached 
against this system, but have -been sensible no cure 
could be hoped, but in the catastrophe now happening. 
The remedy was to let banks drop gradually at the ex- 
piration of their charters, and for the State governments 
to relinquish the power of establishing others. This 
would not, as it should not, have given the power of 



♦In 1814 the bank? su.spended specie payment. 



I,ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 119 

establishing them to Congress. But Congress could 
then have issued treasury notes payable within a fixed 
period, and founded on a specific tax, the proceeds of 
which as they came in, should be exchangeable for the 
notes of that particular emission only. Their (banks) 
paper was received on a belief that it was cash on 
demand. Themselves have declared it was nothing, 
and such scenes are now to take place as will open' the 
eyes of credulity and of insanity itself, to the dangers 
of a paper medium abandonied to the discretion of 
avarice and of swindlers. It is impossible not to de- 
plore our past follies, and 'their present consequences, 
but let them at least be warnings against like follies in 
future. 



Jefferson Tenders His Library to Congress. 

Monticello, September 24th, 1814. 

To the President of the United States : 

Learning by the papers the loss of the library ol 
Congress,* I have sent my catalogue to S. H. Smith, 
to make to their library committee the offer of my col- 
lection, now of about nine or ten thousand volumes, 
which may be delivered to them instantly, on a valua- 
tion by persons of their own naming, and be paid for in 
any way, and at any term they please; in stock, for ex- 
ample, of any loan they have unissued, or of any one 
they may institute at this session; or in such annual in- 
stallments as are at the disposal of the committee. I 
believe you are acquainted with the condition of the 
books, should they wish to be ascertained of this. I 
have long been sensible that my library wouid be 
an interesting possession for the public, and the loss Con- 
gress has recently sustained, and the difficulty of re- 
placing it, while our intercourse with Europe is so ob- 
structed, renders this the proper moment for placing it 
at their service. 



♦It was wantonly destroyed by the British In 1814. 



120 I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

Successful Termination of War With England. 

Monticello, June 12th, 181 5. 
To Mr. Leiper: 

I rejoice exceedingly that our war with England 
was single-handed. In that of the Revolution, we had 
France, Spain and Holland on our .side, and the credit 
of its success was given to them. On the late occasion, 
unprepared and unexpecting war, we were comipelled 
to declare it, and to receive the attack oi England, just 
issuing from a general war, fully armed and freed from 
all other enemies, and have not only made her sick of it, 
but glad to prevent, by peace, the capture of her adjacent 
possessions, which one or two campaigns more would 
infallibly have made ours. She has found that we can 
do her more injury than any Q':her enemy on earth, and 
henceforward will better estimate the value of our 
peace. But whether her government has power, in op- 
position to the aristocracy of her navy, to restrain their 
piracies within the limits of national rights, may well 
be doubted. I pray, ther-efore, for peace, as best for all 
the world, best for us, and best for me, who have already 
lived to see three wars, and now pant for nothing more 
than to be permitted to depart dn peace. 



Evil of the System of Banks. 

Monticello, October i6th, 181 5. 
To Mr. Gallatin: 

We are undone, my dear sir, if this banking mania 
be not suppressed. The war,* had it proceeded, 
would have upset our government, and a new one, when- 
ever tried, will do it. And so it must be while our 
money, the nerve of war, is much or little, real or imag- 
inary, as our bitterest enemies choose to make it. Put 
down the banks, and if this country could not be car- 
ried through the longest war against her most powerful 
enemy, without ever knowing the want of a dollar, 



♦The war with England In 1812. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



121 



without dependance on the traitorous classes of her 
citizens, without bearing hard on the resources of the 
people, or loading the public with an indefinite burden 
of debt, I know nothing of my countrymen. Not by 
any novel project, not by any charlatanerie, but by ordi- 
nary and well-experienced means; by the total prohibi- 
tion of all private paper at all times, >by reasonable taxes 
in war aided by the necessary emissions of public paper 
of circulating size, this ibottomed on special taxes, re- 
deemable annually as this special tax comes in, and 
finally within a moderate period — even with the flood 
of private paper by which we were deluged would the 
treasury have ventured its credit in bills of circulating 
size, as of five or ten dollars, etc., they would have been 
greedily received by the people in preference to bank 
paper. But unhappily the towns of America were con- 
sidered as the nation ol America, the dispositions of the 
inhabitants of the former as those of the latter, and the 
treasury, for want of confidence in the country, delivered 
itself bound hand and foot to bold and bankrupt ad- 
venturers and pretenders to be money holders, whom it 
could have crushed at any moment. Yet there is no 
hope of relief from the Legislatures who have immediate 
control over this subject. As little seems to be known 
of the principles of political economy as if nothing had 
ever been written or practiced on the subject, or as was 
known in old times, when the Jews had their rulers 
under the hammer. It is an evil, therefore, which we 
must make up our minds to meet and to endure as those 
of hurricanes, earthquakes and other casualties. . 

Jefferson's Faith in the People, and His Hostility to the 

Banks. 

Monticello. May 28th, 1816. 
To John Taylor: 

On the import of the term Republic, instead of 
saying, as has been said, "that it may mean anything 
or nothing," we may say with truth and meaning, that 
governments are more or less Republican as they have 



122 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

more or less of the element of popular election and con- 
trol in their composition; and believing, as I do, that the 
mass of the citizens is the safest depository of their own 
rights, and especially that the evils flowing from the 
duperies of the people, are less injurious than those from 
the egoism of their agents, I am a friend of that com- 
position of government which has in it the most of this 
ingredient. And I sincerely believe, with you, that bank- 
ing establishments are more dangerous than standing 
armies; and that tihe principle of spending money to ibe 
paid by posterity, under the name Oif funding, is but 
swindling futurity on a large scale. 

Jefferson's Views on Government. 

Monticello, June 7th, 1816. 
To Francis W. Gilmer: 

Our legisiatcrs are not suflficiently apprized of the 
rightful limits of their power, that their true office is to 
declare and enforce only our natural rights and duties, 
and to take none of them from us. No man has a na- 
tural right to commit aggression on the equal rights of 
another; and this is all from which the laws ought to 
restrain him; every man is under the natural duty o' 
contributing to the necessities of the society; and this 
is all the laws should enforce on him; and, no man hav- 
ing a natural right to be the judge between himself and 
another, it is his natural duty to submit to the umpirage 
of an impartial third. When the laws have declared 
and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their functions; 
and the idea is quite unfounded, that on entering into 
•society we give up any natural right. The trial of 
every law by one of these texts, would lessen much the 
labors of our legislators, and lighten equally our muni- 
cipal codes. There is an error into which most of the 
speculators on government have fallen, and which the 
well-known state of society of our Indians ought, before 
now, to have corrected. In their hypothesis of the origin 
of government, they suppose it to have commenced in 
the partriarchal or monarchical form. Our Indians are 



1?^ 
LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

evidently in that state of nature which has Passed the 
:soc"atfon of a single fatnily; and -t jet submmed o 
the authority of positive laws, or of any ^cknow edged 
magistrate. Every man, with them is Per^ectjy e to 
follow his own inclinations. But if, in domg J^^^' ^^^ 
violates the rights of another, i the case be shgb , he 
is punished bv the disesteem of his society, oi, as we 
say, bv public opinion; if serious, he is tomahawked as 
a dangerous enemy. Their leaders conduct them by 
the influence of their character only; and they follow, 
or not, as thev please, him of whose character for wis- 
dom or war they have the highest opinion. Hence the 
origin of the parties among them adhering to different 
leaders, and governed bv their advice, not by their com- 
mand The Cherokees, the only tribe I know to be 
contemplating the establishment of regular laws, mag- 
istrates, and government, propose a government o 
representatives, elected from every town. But of all 
things, they least think of subjecting themselves to the 
will "of one man. This, the only instance of actual fact 
wltlun our knowledge, will be then a beginning by 
Republican, and not by partriarchal or monarchical 
government, as speculative writers have generally con- 
jectured. 

Perpetual Debt Ruinous to the Country; Government 

Should be Remodelled from Time to Time, 

It Being Progressive. 

Monticello, July 12th, 1816. 
To Samuel Kerchival: 

I am not among those who fear the people. They, 
and not the rich, are our dependence for continued 
freedom. And to preserve their independence, we must 
not let our rulers load us with perpetual debt. We 
must make our election between economy and liberty, 
or profusion and servitude. If we run into such debts, 
as that we must be taxed in our meat and in our drink, 
in our necessaries and our comforts, in our labors and 
our amusements, for our callings and our creeds, as the 



124 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

people of England are, our people, like them, must 
come to labor sixteen hours in the twenty-four, give 
the earnings of fifteen of these to the government for 
their debts and daily expenses, and the sixteenth being 
insufficient to afford us bread, we must live as tlicy now 
do, on oatmeal and potatoes; have no time to think, no 
means to call the mismanagers to account; 'but be glad 
to obtain subsistence by hiring ourselves to rivet their 
chains on the necks of our fellow sufferers. Our land 
holders, too, like theirs, retaitaing indeed the title and 
stewardship of estates called theirs, but held really in 
trust for the treasury, must wander, like theirs, in for- 
eign countries, and be contented with penury, obscurity, 
exile and the glory of the nation. This example reads 
to us the salutary lesson, that private fortunes are 
destroyed by public as well as by private extravagance. 
And this is the tendency of all human governments. A 
departure from principle in one instance becomes a pre- 
cedent for a second; that second for a third; and so on, 
till the bulk of the society is reduced to be mere auto- 
matons of misery to have no sensibilities left but for 
sinning and suffering. Then 'begins, indeed, the "war 
of all against all," which some philosophers observing 
to be so general in this world, have mistaken it for the 
natural, instead of the abusive state of man. And the 
fore horse of this frightful team is public debt. Taxa- 
tion follows that, and in its train wretchedness and op- 
pression. 

Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious 
reverence, and deem them like the ark of the covenant, 
too sacred to he touched. They ascribe to the men of 
the piece (ling age a wisdom more than human, and sup- 
pose what they did to be beyond amendment. I knew 
that age well; I belonged to it, and labored with it. It 
deserved well of its country. It was very like the -pres- 
ent, but Avithout experience of the present and forty 
years of experience in government is worth a 
century of book reading; and this they would say them- 
selves, were they to rise from the dead. I am certainly 
not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in 



IvETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 125 

laws and constitutions. I think moderate imperfec- 
tions had better be borne wdth, because when once 
known, we accommodate ourselves to them, and find 
practical means of correcting their ill effects. But I 
know also, that laws and institutions must go hand in 
hand with the progress of the human mmd. As that 
becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new dis- 
coveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners 
and opinions change with the change of circumstances, 
institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the 
times. We might as well require a man to wear still 
the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society 
to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous 
ancestors. It is this preposterous idea which has lately 
deluged Europe in blood. Their monarchs, instead ot 
wisely yielding to the gradual change of circumstances, 
of favoring progressive accommodation to progressive 
improvement, have clung to old abuses, entrenched 
themselves behind steady habits, and obliged their sub- 
jects to seek through blood and violence rash and ruin- 
ous innovations, which, had they been referred to the 
peaceful deliberations and collected wisdom of the na- 
tion, would have been put into acceptable and salutary 
forms. Let us follow no such examples, nor weakly 
believe that one generation is not as capable as another 
of taking care of itself, and of ordering its awn afifairs. 
Let us, as our sister States have done, avail ourselves 
of our reason and experience, to correct the crude es- 
says of our first and unexperienced, although wise, vir- 
tuous, well-meaning councils. And lastly, let us provide 
in our constitution for its revision at stated periods. 
What these periods should be, nature herself indicates. 
By the Luiopean tables of mortality, of the adults liv- 
ing at any one moment of time, a majority will be dead 
in about nineteen years. At the end of that period then, 
a new majority is come into place, or, in other words, 
a new generation. Each generation is as independent 
of the one preceding, as that was of all which had gone 
before. It has then, like them, a right to choose for 
itself the form of government it believes most promo- 



126 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

tive of its own happiness; consequently, to accommo- 
date to the circumstances in which it finds itself, that 
received from its predecessors; and it is for the peace and 
good of mankind, that a solenm opportunity of doing 
this every nineteen or twenty years, should be provided 
by the constitution; so that it may be handed on, with 
periodical repairs, from generation to generation, to the 
end of time, if anything human can so long endure. 
If this avenue be shut to the call of sufferance, it will 
make itself heard through that of force, and we shall 
go on, as other nations are doing, in the endless circle 
of oppression, rebellion, reformation; and oppression, 
rebellion, reformation, again; and so on forever. 



Emancipation of Slaves. 

Monticcllo, February 8th, 1817. 
To Dr. Thomas Humphreys: 

I concur entirely in your leading principles of grad- 
ual emancipation, of establishment on the coast of 
Africa, and the patronage of our nation until the emi- 
grants shall be able to- protect themselves. The sub- 
ordinate details might be easily arranged. But the 
bare proposition of purchase by the United States gen- 
erally, would excite infinite indignation in all the States 
north of Maryland. The sacrifice must fall on the 
States alone which hold them; and the difticult question 
will be how to lessen tiiis so as to reconcile our fellow 
citizens to it. Personally I am ready and desirous to 
make any sacrifice which shall ensure their gradual, but 
complete retirement from the State, and effectually, at 
the same time, establish them elsewhere in freedom and 
safety. But I have not perceived the growth of this dis- 
position in the rising generation, of which I once had 
sanguine hopes. No symptoms inform me that it will 
take place in my day. ■! leave it, therefore, to time, and 
not at all without hope that the day will come, equally 
desirable and welcome to us as to them. Perhaps the 
proposition now on the carpet at Washington to provide 
an establishment on the coast of Africa for voluntarv 



LETTERS AND ADDRESvSES. 127 

emigrations of people of color, may be the corner stone 
of this future edifice^ 



Disadvantage of the United States Becoming Carriers 

of Foreign Nations, and Evils of the 

Banking System. 

Monticello, May loth, 1817. 

To Dr. Josephus B. Stuart: 

I liope with you that the policy of our country will 
settle down with as much navigation and commerce 
only as our own exchanges will require, and that the 
disadvantage will be seen of our undertaking to carry 
on that of other nations. This, indeed, may bring gain 
to a few individuals, and enable them to call off from our 
farms more laborers to be converted into lackeys and 
grooms for them, but it will bring nothing to our coun- 
try, but wars, debt and dilapidation. This has been the 
course of England, and her examples have fearful in- 
fluence on us. In copying her we do not seem t-o con- 
sider that like premises induce like consequences. The 
bank mania is one of the most threatening of these imi- 
tations. It is raising up a monicd aristocracy in our 
country which has already set the government at defi- 
ance, and although forced at length to yield a little on 
this first essay of their strength, their principles are un- 
yieldcd and unyielding. These have taken deep root 
in the hearts of that class from which our legislators are 
drawn, and the sop to Cerberus from fable has become 
history. Their principles lay hold of the good, their 
pelf of the bad, and thus those whom the constitution 
had placed as guards to its portals, are sophisticated or 
suborned from their duties. That paper money has 
some advantages is admitted. But that its abuses also 
are inevitable and, by breaking up the measure of value, 
makes a lottery of all private property can not be denied. 
Shall we ever be able to put a constitutional veto on it? 



128 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

The Total and Fatal Explosion of the Banks in 1818, 
as Predicted by Jefferson in 1814. 

Monticello, March 12th, 1820. 
To H. Nelson: 

This State is in a condition of unparalleled distress.* 
The sudden reduction of the circulating medium 
from a plethory to all but annihilation is producing an 
entire revolution of fortune. In other places I have 
known lands sold by the sheriff for one year's rent; be- 
yond the mountain we hear of good slaves sellmg for 
one hundred dollars, good horses for five dollars, and 
the sheriffs generally the purchasers. Our produce is 
now selling at market for one-third of its price, before 
this commercial catastrophe, say flour at -three and a 
quarter and three and a half dollars the barrel. We 
should have less right to expect relief from our legisla- 
tors if they had been the establishcrs of the unwisie 
system of banks. A remedy to a certain degreie was 
practicable, that of reducing the quantum of circulation 
gradually to a level with that of the countries with which 
we have conunerce, and an eternal abjuration of paper. 
But they have adjourned without doing anything. I 
fear local insurrections against these horrible sacrifices 
of property. 

♦Colonel Benton vividly portrays the counitry'& financial condi- 
tion of that period in his "Thirty Years' Viev^^:" "The years of 
1819 and 1820 were a periocl of gloom and airony. No money, 
either gold or silver. The local banks (all but those of New Eng- 
land), after a brief resumption of specie payments, again sunk 
into a state of suspension. The bank of the United States, creat- 
ed as a remedy for all the evils, now at the head of the evil, pros- 
trate and helpless, with no power left but that of suing its debt- 
ors, and selling their property, and purchasing for itself at its 
own nominal price. No price for property or produce. No sales 
but those of the sheriff and the marshal. No purchases at exe- 
cution sales but the creditor, or some hoarder of money. No em- 
ployment for industry— no demand for labor— no sale for the prod- 
uct of the farm— no sound of the hammer, but that of the auc- 
tioneer, knocking down property. Stop laws— property laws— re- 
plevin laws— stay laws— loan-office, laws— the intervention of the 
legislator between the creditor and the debtor; this was the busi- 
ness of legislation in three-fourths of the States of the Union— of 
all South and West of New England. No medium of exchange 
but depreciated paper; no change even, but little bits of foul pap- 
er, marked so many cents, and signed by some tradesman, b\r- 
bcr or innkeeper: exchanges derariged to the extent of fifty or one 
hundred per cent. Distress the universal cry of the people; reiijf 
the universal demand thundered at the doors of all legislatures. 
State and Femora}-" 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 129 

Jefferson the Father of the "Monroe Doctrine."* 

August 4th, 1820. 

To Wilham Short: 

From many conversations with him (M. Correa, 
appointed Minister to Brazil, by the Government of 
Portugal), I hope he sees, and will promote in his new 
situation, the advantages of a cordial fraternization 
among all the American nations, and the importance of 
their coalescing in an American system of policy, totally 
independent of and unconnected with that of Europe. 
The day is not distant, wlien we formally require a 
meridian of partition through the ocean which separates 
the two hemispheres, on the hither side of which no 
European gun shall ever be heard, nor an American on 
the other; and when, during the rage o! the eternal 
wars of Europe, the lion and the lamb, within our re- 
gions, shall lie down together in peace. The -prin- 
ciples of society there and here, then, are radically 
different, and I hope no American patriot will ever lose 
sight of the essential policy of interdicting in the seas 
and territories of both Americas, the ferocious and san- 
guinary contests of Europe. I wish to see this coalition 
begun. 



Jefferson's Views on the "Missouri Compromise."*'^ 

IMonticello, September 30th, 1820. 
To William Pinkney: 

The Missouri question is a mere party trick. The 
leaders of Federalism, defeated in their schemes^ of 
obtaining power by rallying partisans to the principle 



♦James Monroe inserted the so-called "Monroe Doctrine" in his 
seventh annual message, 2d December, 1823. The occasion of pro- 
claiming this doctrine was the rumored intervention of the "Holy 
Alliance" to aid Spain to reconquer her American colonies. 

**In 1820 Maine and Missouri were admitted into the Union, the 
latter as a slave State, Congress having previously agreed that 
slavery should be prohibited forever in all territories north of 
the parallel of 9,c> deg. 30 min., which was the southern boundary 
of Missouri. This was called the "Missouri Compromi.se." 



130 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

o{ nionarchism, a principle of personal not of local divi- 
sion, have changed their tack, and thrown out another 
barrel to the whale. They are taking advantage of the 
virtuous feelings of the people to effect a division of 
parties by a geographical line; they expect that this will 
insure them, on local principles, the majority they could 
never obtain on principles of h\xleralism; but they are 
still putting their shoulder to the wrong wheel; they arc 
wasting Jeremiads on the miseries of slavery, as if we 
were advocates for it. Sincerity in their declamations 
should direct their efforts to the true point of difficulty, 
and unite their councils with ours in ilevising some rea- 
sonable and practicable plan of getting rid of it. Some 
of these leaders, if they could attain the power, their 
ambition would rather use it to keep the Union together, 
but others have ever had in view its separation. If they 
push it to that, they will find the line of separation very 
different from their 36 degrees of latitude, and as manu- 
facturing and navigating States, they will have quarreled 
with their bread and l)utter, and I fear not that after a 
little trial they will think better of it, and return to the 
embraces of their natural and best friends. But this 
scheme of party I leave to those who are to live under 
its consequences. We who have gone before have per- 
formed an honest duty, by putting in the power of our 
successors a state of happiness which no nation ever 
before had within their choice. If that choice is to 
throw it away, the dead will have neither the power nor 
the right to control them. I must hope, nevertheless, 
that the mass of our honest and well-meaning bicthren 
of the other States, will discover the use which design- 
ing leaders are making of their best feelings, and will 
see the precipice to which they are led, before they take 
the fatal leap. 



Organization of the University of \'irginia. 

Monticello, December 27th, 1820. 
To Mr. Roscoe: 

Your Liverpool institution will aitl u? in tlic or- 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 131 

j^anization of our new university, an establishment now 
in progress in this State, and to which my remaining 
days and faculties will be devoted. When ready for its 
professors, we shall apply for them chiefly to your island. 
Were we content to remain stationary in science, we 
should take them from among ourselves; 'but, desirous 
of advancing, we niHSt seek them in countries already 
in advance, and identity of language points to our best 
resource. To furnish inducements, we provide for the 
professors separate buildings, in which themselves and 
their families may be handsomelv and comfortably 
lodged, and to liberal salaries will be added lucrative 
perqm'sites. This institution will be based on the il- 
limitable freedom of the human mind. For here we are 
f.ot afraid to follow truth wherever it may lead, nor to 
tolerate any error so long as reason is left free to com- 
bat it. 



The Judiciary the Corps of Sappers and Miners, 

Steadily Undermining the Independent Rights 

of the States. 

(From Jefferson's Autobiography.) 

Monticello, January 6th, 1821. 
But tiiere was another amendment, of which none of 
us thought at the time,* and in the omission of which, 
lurks the germ that is to destroy this happy coml)ina- 
tion of national powers in the General Government, for 
m.atters of national concern, and independent powers m 
the States, for what concerns the States severally. In 
England, it was a great point gained at the revolution, 
that the commissions of the judges, which had hitherto 
been during pleasure, should thenceforth be r ^de dur- 
ing good behavior. A judiciary, dependent on the will 
of the king, had proved itself the most oppressive of all 
tools, in the hands of that magistrate. Nothing, then, 



th 

St 



1^?^ 3, ^i""^^. *° *^® convention thr.t met at Philadelphia on 
le J.jth day of May, 1787 for the purpose of apreeins on a Con- 
itution for the United States. 



132 I,ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

cuuld be more salutary, than a change there, to the 
tenure of good behavior; and the question of good be- 
havior, left to the vote of a simple majority in the two 
Houses of Parliament. Before the revolution, we were 
all good English Whigs, cordial in their free principles, 
and in their jealousies of their executive magistrate. 
These jealousies are very apparent in all our State con- 
stitutions; and, in the General Government in this in- 
stance, we have gone even beyond the English caution, 
by requiring a vote of two-thirds, in one of the Houses, 
for remov.ing a judge; a vote so impossible, where any 
defense is made, 'before men of ordinary prejudices and 
passions, that our judges are effectually independent of 
the nation. But this ought not to be. I would not. 
indeed, make them dependent on the executive auUior- 
ily as they formerly were in England, but I deem it in- 
dispensable to the continuance of this government, that 
they should be submitted to some practical and impar- 
tial control; and that this, to be imparteJ, must be com- 
pounded of a mixture of State and Federal authorities. 
It is not enough that honest men are appointed 
judges. All know the influence of interest on llie mind 
of man, and how unconsciously his judgment is warped 
by that innuc-nce. To this bias add that of the "esprit 
de corps," of their peculiar maxim and creed, that ";t 
is the ofitice of a good judge to enlarge his jurisdiction," 
and the absence of responsibility; and how can we ex- 
pect impartial decision between the General Govern- 
ment, of which *hey are themselves so eminent a part, and 
an individual State, from which they have nothing to 
hope or fear? We have seen, too, that contrary to all 
correct example, they are in the habit of going out of 
the question before them, to throw an anchor ahead, 
and grapple farther hold for future advances of power. 
They are then, in fact, the corps of sappers and miners, 
steadily working to undermine the independent rights 
of the States, and to consolidate all powers in the hands 
of that government in which they have so important a 
freehold estate. But it is not by the consolidation, or 
concentration of powers, but bv "their distribution, that 



1^3 

LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

.ood government is effected^ Were not this great 
r^uZrv ilreadv divided into States, that division must 
kIL that each mi-ht do for itself iwhat con'cerns 
itllTdt'ec W and wl'tit can so much better do than a 
distant authoritv. Everv State again is_ divided into 
c^ ntL each to take care of what ^es w.thin us U.cal 
bounds; each county again into township or war^ , to 
manage minuter details; and every ward "^to fa.ms^ o 
•be governed each by its individual proprietor Were 
we directed from Washington when to sow^ and when 
to reap, we should soon want bread It is by this par 
tition of cares, descending in gradation from general to 
particular, that the mass of human affairs may be best 
managed, for the good and prosperity of all. ^ ^"^Peat. 
that I do not charge the judges with wilful and ill-m- 
tentioned error; but honest error must be arrested, 
where its toleration leads to public rum. As, for tlie 
safetv of societv. we commit honest maniacs to Bedlam, 
so judges should be withdrawn from their bench whose 
erroneous biases are leading us to dissolution. It may, 
indeed, injure them in fame or in fortune; but it saves 
the Republic, which is the first and supreme law. 

Danger to Our System from Encroachments of the 

Federal Judiciary. 
^ Monticello, August i8th, 1821. 
To Air. C. Hammond: 

It has long been my opinion,' and I have never 
shrunk from its expression (although I donot choose to 
put it into a newspaper, nor, like a Priam in armor, 
offer mvsclf its champion), tha*. the germ of dissolution 
of our Federal government is in the constitution of the 
Federal judiciarv; an irresponsible body, (for impeach- 
ment is scarcelv a scarecrow), working like gravity by 
night and bv day, gaining a little to-day and a Httle to- 
morrow, and advancing its noiseless step like a thief, 
over the field of jurisdiction, until all shall be usurped 
from the State?, and the govrcrnment of all be consoli- 
dated into one. To this I am opposed; because, when 



134 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

all government, domestic and foreign, in little as in great 
things, shall be drawn to Washington as the center of 
all power, it will render powerless the checks provided 
of one government on another, and will become as 
venal and oppressive as the government from which we 
separated. It will be as in Europe, where every man 
must be eiiher j)ike or gudgeon, hammer or anvil. Our 
functionaries and theirs are wares from the same work- 
shop; made of the same materials, and by the same hand. 
If the States look with apathy on this silent descent 
of their government into the gulf which is to swallow all, 
we have only to weep over the human character formed 
uncontrolable, but by a rod of iron, and the blasphemers 
of man, as incapable of self-government, become his true 
historians. 



The Civil Revolution of 1801 and Danger from 
Encroachments of the Federal Judiciary. 

Monticello, July 2d, 1822. 
To William T. Barry: 

Your favor ascribes to me merits which I do not 
claim. I was only of a band devoted to the cause of 
mdependence, all of whom exerted equally their best 
endeavors for its success, and have a common right to 
the merits of its acquisition. So also is the civil revolu- 
tion of iSoi. Very many and very meritorious were 
the worthy patriots who assisted in bringing back our 
government to its Republican tack. To preserve it in 
that, will require unremitting vigilance. Whether the 
surrender of our opponents, their reception into our 
camp, their assumption of our name, and apparent ac- 
cession to our objects, may strengthen or weaken the 
genuine principles of Republicanism, may be a good 
or an evil, is yet to be seen. I consider the party divi- 
sion of Whig and Tory the most wholesome which can 
exist^ in any government, and well worthy of being 
nourished, to keep out those of a more dangerous char- 
acter, _ We alrcaay see ihe power, installed for life re- 
sponsible to no authority (for impeachment is not even 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 135 

a scarecrow), advancing with a noiseless and steady 
pace to the great object of consohdation. The foun- 
dations are already deeply laid by their decisions, for the 
annihilation of constitutional State rights, and the re- 
moval of every check, every counterpoise to the en- 
gulfing power of which themselves are to make a sov- 
ereign part. If ever this vast country is brought under 
a single government, it will be one of the most exten- 
sive corruption, indifferent and incapable of a wholesome 
care over so wide a spread of surface. This will not be 
borne, and you will have to choose between reformation 
and revolution. If I know the spirit of this country, the 
one or the other is inevitable. Before the canker is 
become inveterate, before its venom has reached so 
much of the body politic as to get beyond control, 
remedy should be applied. Let the future appointments 
of judges be for four or six years, and renewable by the 
President aixl Senate. This w'ill bring their conduct, 
at regular periods, under revision and probation, and 
may keep them in equipoise between the general and 
special governments. We have erred in this point, by 
copying England, where certainly it is a good thing to 
have the judges independent of the king. But we have 
omitted to copy their caution also, which makes a judge 
removable on the address of both legislative Houses. 
That there should be public functionaries independent 
of the nation, whatever may be their demerit, is a sole- 
cism in a Republic, of the first order of absurdity and in- 
consistency. 



Danger from the Federal Judiciary. 

Monticello, March 4th, 1823. 
To Judge Johnson: 

I can not lay down my pen without recurring to 
one of the subjects of my former letter, for in truth 
there is no danger I apprehend so much as the con- 
solidation of our government by the noiseless, and 
therefore unalarming, instrumentality of the Supreme 
Court. This is the form in which FcderaHsm now ar- 



136 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

rays itself, and consolidation is the present principle of 
distinction between Republicans and the pseudo Re- 
publicans, but real Federalists. I must comfort my- 
self with the hope that the judg-e's -will see the importance 
and the duty of giving their country the only evi- 
dence they can give of fidelity to its constitution and in- 
tegrity in the administration of its laws; that is to say, 
by every one's giving his opinion seriatim and publicly 
on the cases he decides. Let him prove by his reason- 
ing that he has read the papers, that he has considerd 
the case, that in the application of the law to it he uses 
his own judgment independently and unbiased by party 
views and personal favor or disfavor. Throw himself 
in every case on God and his country; both will excuse 
him for error and value him for his honesty. The very 
idea of cooking up opinions in conclave, begets sus- 
picions that something passes which fears the public ear, 
and this, spreading by degrees, must produce at some 
time abridgment of tenure, facility of removal, or some 
other modification which may promise a remedy. For 
in truth there is at this time more hostility to the Federal 
judiciary, than to any other organ of the government. 

I should greatly prefer, as you do, four judges to 
any greater number. Great lawyers are not over 
abundant, and the multiplication of judges only enable 
the weak to outvote the wise, and three concurrent 
opinions out of four gives a strong presumption of right. 



Evils of the Cheapness of Whiskey. Taxes Must Be 

Uniform. 

Monticello, Mav 3d, 1823. 
To Gen. Samuel Smith: 

I am rendered a slow correspondent by the loss of 
the use, totally of the one, and almost totally of the 
other wrist,* which renders writing scarcely and 
painfully practicable. I learn with great satisfaction 

*On the 4th of Spptember, 17S6. Jpfferson, while walking with a 
friend in Paris, fell and fractured his wrist, the use of which he 
never recovered. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 137 

that wholesome economies have been found, sufficient 
to reheve us from the ruinous necessity of adding an- 
nually to our debt by new loans. The deviser of so 
salutary a relief deserves truly well of his country. 1 
shall be glad, too, if an additional tax of one-fourth of 
a dollar a gallon on whiskey shall enable us to meet 
all our engagements with punctuality. Viewing that 
tax as an article in a system of excise, I was once glad 
to see it fall with the rest of the system, which I con- 
sidered as prematurely and unnecessarily introduced. It 
was evident that our existing taxes were tllien equal to 
our existing debts. It was clearly foreseen also that 
the surplus from excise would only become aliment for 
useless offtces, and would be swallowed in idleness by 
those whom it would withdraw from useful industry. 
Considering it only as a fiscal measure, this was right. 
But the prostration of body and mind which the cheap- 
ness of this liquor is spreading through the mass of our 
citizens, now calls the attention of the legislator on a 
very different principle. One of his important dvities 
is as guardian of those who from causes susceptible of 
precise definition, can not take care of themselves. Such 
are infants, maniacs, gamblers, drunkards. The last, as 
much as the maniac, requires restrictive measures to 
save him from the fatal infatuation under which he is 
destroying his health, his morals, his family, and his 
usefulness to society. One powerful obstacle to his 
ruinous self-indulgence would be a price beyond his 
competence. As a sanatory measure, therefore, it be- 
comes one of duty in the public guardians. Yet I do not 
think it follows necessarily that imported spirits should 
'be subjected to similar enhancement, until they become as 
cheap as those made at home. A tax on whiskey is 
to discourage its consumption; a tax on foreign spirits 
encourages whiskey by removing its rival from com- 
petition. The price and present duty throw foreign 
spirits already out of competition with whiskey and ac- 
cordingly they are used but to a salutary extent. You 
see no persons besotting themselves with imported 
spirits, wines, liquors, cordials, etc, Whiskev claims 



138 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

to itself alone the exclusive office of sotmaking. For- 
eign spirits, wines, teas, coffee, segars, salt are articles 
of as innocent consumption as broadcloths and silks; 
and ought, like them to pay but the average ad valorem 
duty of other imported comforts. All of them are in- 
gredients in our happiness, and the government which 
steps out of the ranks of the ordinary articles of con- 
sumption to select and lay under disproportionate buf- 
thens a particular one, because it is a comfort, pleasing 
to the taste, or necessary to health, and will therefore be 
bought, is, in that particular, a tyranny. Taxes on con- 
sumption like those on capital or income, to be just must 
be uniform. I do not mean to say that it may not be for 
the general interest to foster for awhile certain infant 
manufactures, until they are strong enough to stand 
against foreign rivals; 'but when evident that they will 
never be so, it is against right, to make the other 
branches of industry support them. When it was found 
that France could not make sugar under 6h a lb., was 
it not tyranny to restrain her citizens from importing 
at ih, or would it not have been so to have laid a duty of 
5h on the imported? The permitting an exchange of 
industries with other nations is a direct encouragement 
of your own, which without that, would bring you noth- 
ing for your comfort, and would of course cease to be 
produced. 



History of Parties in United States. 

Monticello, June I2th, 1823. 
To Judge Johnson: 

I learn with great pleasure that you have resolved 
on continuing your history of parties. Our oppon- 
ents are far ahead of us in preparations for placmg 
their cause favorably before posterity. Yet I hope even 
from some of them the escape of precious truths, in 
angry explosions or effusions of vanity, which will be- 
tray the genuine monarchism of their principles. They 
do not themselves believe what they endeavor to incul- 
cate, that we were an opposition party, not on princi- 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



139 



pie, but merely seeking for office. The fact is, that at 
the' formation of our government, many had formed 
their political opinions on European writings and prac- 
tices, believing the experience of old countries, and 
especially of England, abusive as it was, to be a safer 
guide than mere theory. The doctrines of Europe 
were, that men in numerous associations can not be 
restrained within the limits of order and justice, but by 
forces physical and moral, wielded over them by authori- 
ties indep'endent of their will. Hence their organization 
of kings, hereditary nobles and priests. Still further to 
constrain the brute force of the people, they deem it 
necessary to keep them down by hard labor, poverty 
and ignorance, and to take from them, as from bees, 
so much of their earnings, as that unremitting labor 
shall be necessary to obtain a sufficient surplus barely 
to sustain a scanty and miserable life. And these 
earnings they apply to maintain their privileged orders 
in splendor and idleness, to fascinate the eyes of the 
people, and excite in them an humble adoration and sub- 
mission, as to an order of superior beings. Although 
few among us had gone all these lengths of opinion, yet 
many had advanced, some more, some less, on the way. 
And in the convention which formed our government, 
they endeavored to draw the cords of power as tight 
as they could obtain them, tO' lessen the dependence ol 
the general fimctionaries on their constituents, to sub- 
ject to them those of the States, and to weaken their 
means of maintaining the steady equilibrium which the 
majority of the convention had deemed salutary for both 
branches, general and local. To recover, therefore, in 
practice the powers which the nation had refused, and 
to warp to their own wishes those actually given, was 
the steady object of the Federal party. Ours, on the 
contrary, was to maintain the will of the majority of the 
convention, and of the people themselves. We be- 
lieved, with them, "that man was a rational animal, en- 
dowed by nature with rights, and with an innate sense 
of justice; and that he could be restrained from wrong 
and protected in right, by moderate powers, confided 



140 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

to persons of his own choice, and held to their duties 
by dependence on his own will. We believed that the 
complicated organization of kings, nobles and priests 
was not the wisest nor best to efifect the happiness of 
associated man; that wisdom and virtue were not hered- 
itary; that the trappings of such a machinery, consumed 
by their expense, those earnings of industry, they were 
meant to protect, and by the inequalities they produced, 
exposed liberty to sufferance. We believed that men, 
enjoying in ease and security the full fruits of their own 
industry, enlisted by all their interests on the side of law 
and order, habituated to think for themselves, and to 
follow their reason as their guide, would be more easily 
and safely governed, than with minds nourished in error, 
and vitiated and debased, as in Europe, Iby ignorance, 
indigence and oppression. The cherishment of the 
people then was our principle, the fear and distrust of 
them, that of the other party. Composed, as we were, 
of the landed and laboring interests of the country, we 
could not be less anxious for a government of law and 
order than were the inhabitants of the cities, the strong- 
holds of Federalism. And whether our efforts to save 
the principles and form of our constitution have not 
been salutary, let the present Republican freedom, order 
and prosperity of our country determine. History may 
distort truth, and will distort it for a time, by the 
superior efforts at justification of those who are con- 
scious of needing it most. Nor will the opening scenes 
of our present government be seen in their true aspect, 
until the letters of the day, now held in private hoards, 
shall be broken up and laid open to public view. What a 
treasure will be found in Gen. Washington's cabmet, 
when it shall pass into the hands of as candid a friend 
to truth as he was himself! When no longer, like 
Caesar's notes and memorandums in the hands of An- 
thony, it shall be open to the high priests of Federalism 
only, and garbled to say so much, and no more, as suits 
their views! 

I have stated above, that the original object of the 
Federalists were, first, to warp our government more 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 141 

to the form and principles of monarchy, and, second, 
to weaken the barriers of the State governments as co- 
ordinate powers. In the first they have been so com- 
pletely foiled 'by the universal spirit of the nation, that 
they have abandoned the enterprise, shrunk from the 
odium of their old appellation, taken to themselves a 
participation of ours, and under the pseudo Republican 
mask, are now aiming at their second object, and 
strengthened bv unsuspecting or apostate recruits from 
our ranks, are' advancing fast towards an ascendancy. 
I have been blamed for saying, that a prevalence of the 
doctrines of consolidation would one daycallfor re- 
formation or revolution. I answer by asking if a sin- 
gle State of the Union would have agreed to the con- 
stitution, had it given all powers to the General Gov- 
ernment? If the whole opposition to it did not proceed 
from the jealousv and fear of every State, of being sub- 
jected to the other States in matters merely its own? 
And if there is any reason to believe the States more 
disposed now than then, to acquiesce in this general 
surrender of all their rights and powers to a consolidated 
government, one and undivided? 

But the Chief Justice says, "there must be an ultimate 
arbiter somewhere." True, there must; but does that 
prove it is either party? The ultimate arbiter is the 
people of the Union, assembled by their deputies in con- 
vention, at the call of Congress, or of two-thirds of the 
States. Let them decide to which they mean to give 
an authority claimed by two of their organs. And it 
has been the peculiar wisdom and felicity of our con- 
stitution, to have provided this peaceable appeal, where 
that of other nations is at once to force. 

Cuba Should Not Be Allowed to Pass to England. 

Monticello, June 23d, 1823, 
To President Monroe: 

Dear Sir — I have been lately visited by a Mr. Miralla, 
a native of Buenos Ayrcs. but resident in Cuba for the 
last seven or eight years; a person of intelligence, of 



142 LETTERS AN]) ADDRESSES. 

much information, and frankly communicative. I be- 
lieve, indeed, he is knofwn to you. I availed myself of 
the opportunity of learning what was the state of public 
sentiment in Cuba as to their future course. He says 
they would be satisfied to remain as they are; but all 
are sensible that that can not be; that whenever cir- 
cumstances shall render a separation from Spain nec- 
essary, a perfect independence would be their choice, 
provided they could see a certainty of protection; but 
that, without that prospect, they would be divided in 
opinion between an incorporation with Mexico, and 
with the United States — Columbia being too remote 
for prompt support. The considerations in favor of 
Mexico are that the Havana would be the emporium 
for all the produce of that immense and wealthy country, 
and, of course, the medium of all its commerce; that 
having no ports on its Eastern coast, Cuba would become 
the depot of its naval stores and strength, and, in effect 
would, in a great measure, have the sinews of the gov- 
ernment in its hands. That in favor of the United 
States is the fact that three-fourths of the exportations 
from Havana come io the United States, that they are 
a settled government, the power which can most prompt- 
ly succor them, rising to an eminence promising future 
security; and of which they would make a member of 
the sovereignty, while as to England, they would be 
only a colony, subordinated to her interest, and that 
there is not a man in the island who would not resist 
her to the bitterest extremity. Of this last sentiment 
I had not the least idea at the date of my late ietters 
to you. I had supposed an English interest there quite 
as strong as that of the United States, and therefore, 
that, to avoid war, and keep the island open to our 
own commerce, it would 'be best to join that power in 
mutually guaranteeing its independence. But if there 
is no danger of its falling into the possession of Eng- 
land, I must retract an opinion founded on an error 
of fact. We are surely under no obligation to give 
her, gratis, an interest which she has not; and the whole 
inhal)itants being averse to her, and the climate mortal 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 143 

to Strangers, its continued military occupation by her 
would be impracticable. It is better then to lie still in 
readiness to receive that interesting incorporation when 
solicited by herself. For, certainly, her addition to our 
confederacy is exactly what is wanting to round our 
power as a nation to the point of its utmost interest. 

Europe Should Not Be Suffered to Intermeddle With 

Cis-Atlantic Affairs, and Cuba Should Belong 

to the United States. 

Monticello, October 24th, 1823. 
To the President: 

Dear Sir — The question presented by the letters 
you have sent me, is the most momentous which has 
ever been offered to my contemplation since that of 
Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our 
compass and points the course which we are to steer 
through the ocean of time opening on us. And never 
could we embark on it under circumstances more 
auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should 
be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. 
Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with 
cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a 
set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and pecu- 
liarly her own. She should, therefore, have a system 
of_ her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. 
While the last is laboring to become the domicil of 
despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our 
hemisphere that of freedom. One nation, most of all, 
could disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, 
aid and accompany us in it. By acceding to her propos- 
ition, we detach her from the bands, bring her mighty 
weight into the scale of free governments, and emanci- 
pate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise 
linger long in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the 
nation which can do us the most harm of any one, or 
all on earth; and with her on our side we need not fear 
the whole world. With her, then, we should most 
sedulously cheiish a cordial friendship; and nothino 



144 I^ETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

would tend more to knit our affections than to be 
fighting once more, side by side, in the same cause. 
Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price 
of taking part in her wars. But the war in which the 
present proposition might engage us, should that be its 
consequence, is not her war, but ours. Its object is to 
introduce and establish the American system, of keep- 
ing out of our land all foreign powers, of never permit- 
ting those of Europe to intermeddle with the aftairs of 
our nations. It is to maintain our own principle, not 
to depart from it. And if, to facilitate this, we can ef- 
fect a division in the body of the European powers, and 
draw over to our side its most powerful member, surely 
we should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's* 
opinion that it will prevent instead of provoking war. 
With Great Britain withdrawn from their scale and 
shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe com- 
bined would not undertake such a war. For how would 
they propose to get at either enemy without superior 
fleets? Nor is the occasion to be slighted which this 
proposition offers, of tleclaring our protest against the 
atrocious violation of the rights of nations, by the 
interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, 
so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte and now continued 
by the equally lawless Alliance, calling itself Holy.** 
But we have first to ask ourselves a question. Do we 
wish to acquire to our own confederacy any one or more 
of the Spanish provinces? I candidly confess, that I 
have ever looked on Cuba as the mo.st interesting addi- 
tion which could ever be made to our system of States. 
The control which, with Florida Point, this island would 
give us over the Gulf of Mexico and the countries and 
isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose 
waters flow into it, would fill up the measure of our 
political well-being. Yet, as I am sensible that this can 
never b e obtained, even with her own consent, but by 

•George Canning (1770-1827) one of the greatest of English states- 
men and orators. 



**n 



'The so-called Holy Alliance was formed in 1815 between Rus- 
sia, Austria and Prussia for the maintenance of peace and the 
establishment of the existing dynasties 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 



145 



war; and its independence, which is our second interest 
(and especially its independence of England), can be 
secured without it, I have no hesitation in abandoning 
my first wish to future chances, and accepting its inde- 
pendence, with peace and the friendship of England, 
rather than its association, at the expense of war and 
her enmity. 

I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration 
proposed, that we aim not at the acquistion of any of 
those possessions, that we will not stand in the way of 
any amicable arrangement between them and the mother 
country; but that we will oppose, with all our means, 
the forcible interposition of any other power, as auxiliary, 
stipendiary, or under any other form or pretext, and 
most especially, their transfer to any power by conquest, 
cession, or acquisition in any other way. I should 
think it, therefore, advisaible that the executive should 
»jncourage the British government to a continuance 
in the dispositions expressed in these letters by an as- 
surance of his concurrence with them as far as his 
authority goes; and tliat as it may lead to war, the de- 
claration of which requires an act of Congress, the case 
shall be laid before them for consideration at their first 
meeting, and under the reasonable aspect in which it is 
seen by himself. 



A Government Should Reflect the Will of the People 
in All Its Departments. 

Monticello, October 31st, 1823. 
To M. Coray: 

The equal rights of man, and the happiness of 
every individual, are now acknowledged to be the only 
legitimate objects of government. Modern times have 
the signal advantage, too, of having discovered the only 
device by which these rights can be secured, to-wit: 
government by the people, acting not in person, but 
by representatives chosen by themselves, that is to say, 
by every man of ripe years and sane mind, who either 
contributes by his purse or person to the support of 



146 i,e;tters and addressEvS. 

his country. The small and imperfect mixture of 
representative government in England, impeded as it is 
by other branches, aristocratical and hereditary, shows 
yet the power of the representative principle towards 
improving the condition of man. With us, all the 
branches of the government are elective by the people 
themselves, except the judiciary, of whose science and 
qualitications they are not competent judges. Yet, even in 
that department, we call in a jury oi the people to 
decide all controverted matters of fact, because to that 
investigation they are entirely competent, leaving thus 
as little as possible, merely the law of the case, to the 
decision of the judges. And true it is that the people 
especially when moderately instructed, are the only 
safe, because the only honest, depositories of the public 
rights, and should therefore be introduced into the ad- 
ministration of them in every function to which they 
are sufficient; they will err sometimes and accidentally, 
but never designedly, and with a systematic and per- 
severing purpose of overthrowing the free principles of 
the government. Hereditary bodies, on the contrary, 
always existing, always on the watch for their own 
aggrandizement, profit of every opportunity of advanc- 
ing the privileges of their order, and encroaching on the 
rights of the people. 



A Strong Monarchical Party at the Beginning of Our 

Government. 

Monticello, January 8th, 1825. 
To William Short: 

When I arrived at New York in 1790, to take a 
part in the administration, being fresh from the French 
revolution, while in its first and pure stage, and con- 
sequently somewhat whetted up in my own Republican 
principles, I found a state of things, in the general so- 
ciety of the place, which I could not have supposed pos- 
sible. Being a stranger there, I was feasted from table 
to table, at large set dinners, the parties generally from 
twenty to tliirty. The revolution T had left, ami that 



LKTTERS AND ADDRESSES. 147 

we had just gone through in the recent change of our 
own government, being the conunon topics of conver- 
sation, I was astonished to find the general prevalence 
of monarchical sentiments, insomiich that in maintain- 
ing those of Republicanism, I had always the whole 
company on my hands, never scarcely finding among 
them a single co-advocate in that argument, unless some 
old member of Congress happened to be present. The 
farthest that any one would go in support of the Re- 
publican features of our new government, would be to 
say, "the present constitution is well as a beginning, 
and may be allowed a fair trial, but it is, in fact, only a 
stepping stone to something better." Among their 
writers, Denny, the editor of the PortfoHo, who was a 
kind of oracle with them, and styled the Addison of 
America, openly avowed his preference of monarchy 
over all other forms of government, prided himself on 
the avo'wal, and maintained it by argument freely and 
without reserve, in his publications. I do not, myself, 
know that the Essex junto of Boston were monarchists,' 
but I have always heard it so said, and never doubted. 

These, my dear sir. are but detached items from a 
great mass of proofs then fully before the public. They 
are unknown to you, because you were absent in 
Europe, and they are now disavowed bv the party. But 
had it not been for the firm and determined stand then 
made by a counter party, no man can sav what our 
government would have been at this dav. \AIonarchy 
to be sure, IS now defeated, and thev wish it should be 
forgotten that it was ever advocated. Thev see that it 
is desperate and treat its imputation to them as a cal- 
umny, and I verily believe that none of them have it 
now m direct aim. Yet the spirit is not done away 
Ihe same party takes now what thev deem the next 
best ground, the consolidation of the 'government • the 
giving to the Federal member of the government, bv un- 
lirnied constructions of the constitution, a control' over 
a the functions of the States, and the concentration of 
all power ulfimatclv at Wa^hino-tnn 



148 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

A Decalog-ue of Canons for Observation in Practical 

Life. 

Monticello, February 21st, 1825. 

To Thomas Jefferson Smith: 

1. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to- 
day. 

2. Never trouble another for what you can do your- 
self. 

3. Never spend your money before you have it. 

4. Never buy what you do not want, because it is 
cheap; it will be dear to you. 

5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst and cold. 

6. We never repent of having eaten too little. 

7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly. 

8. How much pain 'have cost us the evils which have 
never happened. 

9. Take things always by their smooth handle. 

10. When angry, count ten, before you speak; if 
very angry a hundred. 



A Moneyed Aristocracy Riding and Ruling Over the 
Plundered Ploughman and Beggared Yoemanry. 

Monticello, December 26th, 1825. 
To Wiliam B. Giles: 

The younger generation having nothing in them of 
the feelings or principles of 1776, now look to a single 
and splendid government of an aristocracy, founded on 
banking institutions, and moneyed incorporations under 
the guise and cloak of their favored (branches oF manu- 
factures, commerce and navigation, riding and ruling 
over the plundered ploughman and beggared yeomanry. 
This will be to them a next best blessing to the monarchy 
of their first aim, and perhaps the surest stepping stone 
to it. 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 149 

A Summary of Jefferson's Public Services. 

February, 1826. 
(From Thoughts on Lotteries.) 

I may more readily than others, suggest the offices 
in which I have served. I came of age in 1764, and 
was soon put into the nomination of justice of tlie 
county in which I live, and at the first election following 
I became one of its representatives in the Legislature. 
I was thence sent to the old Congress. Then employed 
two years with Mr. Pendleton and Mr. Wythe, on the 
revisal and reduction to a single code of the whole body 
of the British statutes, the acts of our Assembly, and 
certain parts of the common law. 

Then elected Governor. 

Next to the Legislature, and to Congress again. 

Sent to Europe a? Minister Plenipotentiary. 

Appointed Secretary of State to the new government. 

Elected Vice-President and President. And lastly, a 
Visitor and Rector of the University. 

In these different of^ces, with scarcely any interval 
between them, I have been in the public service now 
sixty-one years; and during the far greater part of the 
time, in foreign countries, or in other States. There 
is one service, however, the most important in its 
consequences, of any "transaction in any portion of my 
life; to-wit, the head I personally made against the Fed- 
eral principles and proceedings, during the administra- 
tion of Mr. Adams. Their usurpations and violations 
of the constitution at that period, and their majority in 
both Houses of Congress, were so great, so decided, 
and so daring, that after combating their aggressions, 
inch by inch, without being able in the least to check 
their career, the Republican leaders thought it would 
be best for them to give up their useless efforts there, 
go home, get into their respective Legislatures, embody 
whatever of resistance they could be formed into, and 
if ineffectual, to perish there as in the last ditch. All 
therefore, retired, leaving Mr. Gallatin alone in the 
House of Representatives, and myself in the Senate, 



150 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 

where I then presided as Vice-President. Remaining 
at our posts, and bidding defiance to the brow beatings 
and insults bv which they endeavored to drive us off also, 
we kept the mass of RepubHcans in phalanx together, 
until the Legislature could be brought up to the charge; 
and nothing on earth is more certain, than that if my- 
self particularly, placed by my office of Vice-President 
at the head of the Republicans, had given way and with- 
drawn from my post, the Republicans throughout the 
Union would have given up in despair, and the cause 
would have been lost forever. By holding on, we ob- 
tained time for the Legislature to come up with their 
weight; and those of Virginia and Kentucky particular- 
ly, but more especially the former, by their celebrated 
resolutions, saved the constitution at its last gasp. No 
person who Vv^as not a witness of the scenes of that 
gloomy period, can form any»idea of the afflicting per- 
secutions and personal indignities we had to brook. 
They saved our country however. 

If legislative services are worth mentioning, and the 
stamp of liberality and equality, which was necessary to 
be imposed on our laws in the first crisis of our birth 
as a nation, v/as of any value, they will find that the 
leading and most important laws of that day were pre- 
pared by myself, a»:.d carried chiefiy by my efforts; sup- 
ported, indeed, by able and faithful coadjutors from the 
ranks of the House, very effective as seconds, but who 
would not have taken the field as leaders. 

'The prohibition of the further importation of slaves 
was the first of these measures in time. 

This was followed by the abolition of entails, which 
broke up the hereditary and high-handed aristocracv, 
which, by accumulating immense masses of property in 
single lines of families, had divided our coun.Ty into 
two distinct orders, of nobles and plebeians. 

But further to complete the equality among our citi- 
zens so essential to the maintenance of Republican gov- 
ernment, it was necessary to abolish the -principle of 
primogeniture. I drew the law of descents, giving equal 



LETTERS AND ADDRESSES. 151 

inheritance to sons and daughters, which made a part 
of the revised code. 

The attack on the estabUshment of a dominant re- 
Hgion, was first made by myself. It could be carried 
at first only by a suspension of salaries for one year, by 
battling it again at the next session for another year, 
and so from year to year, until the public mind was 
ripened for the bill for establishing religious freedom, 
which I had prepared for the revised code also. This 
was at length established permanently, and by the efforts 
chiefly of Mr. Madison, being myself in Europe at the 
time that work was brought forward. The feature of a 
sixty years' service, as no other instance has yet occurred 
in our country, so it probably never may again. 

Jefiferson's Answer to an Invitation to Attend a 

Celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the 

Declaration of Independence. 

Monticello, June 24th, 1826. 
To Mr. Weightman: 

Respected Sir — The kind invitation I receive from 
you, on the part of the citizens of the City of Washing- 
ton, to be present with them at their celebration on the 
fiftieth anniversary of American Independence, as one 
of the surviving signers of an instrument pregnant with 
our own, and the fate of the world, is most flattering to 
myself and heightened by the honorable accompaniment 
proposed for the comfort of such a" journey. It adds 
sensibly to the sufferings oi sickness, to be deprived 
by it of a personal participation in the rejoicings of that 
day. But acquiescence is a duty, under circumstances 
not placed among those we are permitted to control. I 
should, indeed, with peculiar delight, have met and ex- 
changed there congratulations personally with the small 
band, the remnant of that host of worthies, who joined 
with us on that day, in the bold and doubtful election 
we were to make for our country, between submission or 
the sword; and to have enjoyed with them the consola- 



152 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES- 

tory fact that our fellow citizens, after half a century of 
experience and prosperity, continue to approve the 
choice we made May it be to the wodd, what I believe 
it will be (to some parts sooner, to others later, but 
finally to all), the signal of arousing- men to burst the 
chains under which ignorance and superstition had 
persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the 
blessings and security of self-government. That from 
which we have sdbstituted, restores the free right to the 
unbounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion. 
All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. 
The general spread of the light of science has already 
laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the 
mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their 
backs, nor a favored few tooted and spurred, ready to 
ride them legitimately, by the grace of God. These 
are grounds of hope for others. For ourselves, let the 
annual return of this r3ay forever refresh our recollec- 
tions of these rights, and an undiminished devotion to 
them 

Iwill ask permission here to express the pleasure with 
which I should have met my ancient neighbors of the 
City of Washington and its vicinities, with whom I 
passed so many years of a pleasing social intercourse; 
an intercourse which so much relieved the anxieties ot 
the public cares, and left impressions so deeply engraved 
in my afTfections, as never to be forgotten. With mv 
regret that ill-health forbids me the gratification of an 
acceptance, be pleased to receive for yourself, and those 
for whom you write, the assurance of my highest respect 
and friendly attachments. 



• Such was the devoted, self-sacrificing love for his 
country and the people; such the pure and lofty char- 
acter of Thomas JefTerson, than whom a greater states- 
man never lived. 

On July 4th. 1826, at fifty minutes past meridian, 
Jefferson, without a struggle, ceased to breathe. His 
last words were: "This is the Fourth of July." 



SHORT EXCERPTS. 



(The following excerpts are from letters, the main body 
of which would be of no interest to the general reader } 



Paris, October 26th, 1786. 

I receive none into my esteem, till I know they are 
worthy of it. Wealth, title, office, are no recommenda- 
tions to my friendship. On the contrary, great good 
qualities are requisite to make amends for their having 
wealth, title, and office. 



Paris, August 14th, 1787. 
The wealth acquired by speculation and plunder, is 
fugacious in its nature, and fills society with the spirit 
of gambling. The moderate and sure income of hus- 
bandry begets permanent improvement, quiet life and 
orderly conduct, both public and private. 



Paris, December 20th, 1787. 
When we get piled upon one another in large cities, 
as in Europe, we shall become corrupt as in Europe, 
and go to eating one another as they do there. 



Paris, August 28th, 1789. 
I know but one code of morality for men, whether 
acting singly or collectively: He who says I will be a 
rogue when I act in company with a lumdred others, but 
an honest man when I act alone, will be believed in the 
former assertion, 'but not in the latter. 



Monticello, September 9th, 1792. 
No government ought to be without censors; and 
when the press is free, no one ever will. If virtuous, it 
need not fear the fair operation of attack and defense. 
Nature has given to man no other means of sifting the 
truth, either in religion, law or politics. I think it as 



154 SHORT EXCERPTS. 

honorable to the government neither to know, nor 
notice, its sycophants or censors, as it would be un- 
dignified and criminal to pamper the former and perse- 
cute the latter. 



Philadelphia, May 13th, 1797. 
Whatever follies we may be led into as to foreign na- 
tions, we shall never give up our Union, the last anchor 
of our hope, and that alone which is to prevent this 
heavenly country from becoming an arena of gladiators. 

Washington, February 2d, 1801. 
One thing I will say, that as to the future, interferences 
-with elections whether of the State or General Govern- 
ment, by officers of the latter, should be deemed cause 
of removal, because the constitutional remedy by the 
elective principle becomes nothing, if it may be smoth- 
ered by the enormous patronage of the General Gov- 
ernment. 



Washington, March 23d, 1801. 

The elective franchise, if guarded as the act of our 
safety, will peaceably dissipate all combinations to sub- 
vert a constitution dictated by the wisdom, and resting 
on the will of the people. That will is the only legiti- 
mate foundation of any government, and to protect its 
free expression should be our first object. 



Washington, May 26th, 1801. 

To preserve the peace of our fellow citizens, promote 
their prosperity and happiness, reunite opinion, cultivate 
a spirit of candor, moderation, charity and forbearance 
towards one another, are objects calling for the efforts 
and sacrifices of every good man and patriot. Our re- 
ligion enjoms it; our happiness demands it; and no sac- 
rifice is requisite but of passions hostile to both. 



Monticello, March 31st, 1S09. 
If. in my retirement to the humble station of a private 



SHORT EXCERPTS. 



155 



citizen, I am accompanied with the esteem and appro- 
bation' of my fellow citizens, trophies obtained by the 
blood-stained steel, or the tattered flags of the tented 
field, will never be envied. The care of human life and 
happiness, and not their destruction, is the first and 
only legitimate object of good government. 

Monticello, August 26th, 18 16. 
My most earnest wish is to see the Republican ele- 
ment of popular control pushed to the maximum of its 
practicable exercise. I shall then believe that our gov- 
ernment may be pure and perpetual. 



Monticello, June i6th, 1817. 
That we should wish to see the people of other coun- 
tries free, is as natural, and at least as justifiable as that 
one king should wish to see the kings of other countries 
maintained in their despotism. Right to both parties, 
innocent favor to the juster cause, is our proper senti- 
ment. 



Poplar Forest, September 6th, 1819. 
It should be remembered, as an axiom of eternal truth 
in politics, that whatever power in any government is 
independent, is absolute also; in theory only, at first, 
while the spirit of the people is up, but in practice, as 
fast as that relaxes. Independene can be trusted no- 
where but with the people in mass. They are inherently 
independent of all but moral law. 



Monticello, September 28th, 1820. 

I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of 
the society but the people themselves; and if we think 
them not enlightened enough to exercise their control 
with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take 
it from them, but to inform their discretion by education. 
This is the true corrective of abuses of constitutional 
power. 



156 SHORT BXCERPTS. 

Monticello, December 25th, 1820. 
A judiciary independent of a king or executive alone, 
is a good thing; but independence of the will of the na- 
tion is a solecism, at least in a Republican government. 



Monticello, March 9th, 182 1. 

The great object of my fear is the Federal judiciary. 
That body, like gravity, ever acting, with noiseless foot, 
and unalarming advance, giving ground step by step 
and holding what it gains, is engulfing insidiously the 
special governments into the jaws of that which feeds 
them. 



Monticello, September 12th, 1821. 

And even should the cloud of barbarism and despot- 
ism again obscure the science and liberties of Europe, 
this country remains to preserve and restore light and 
liberty to them. In short, the flames kindled on the 
4th of July, 1776, have spread over too much of the 
globe to be extmguished by the feeble engines of despot- 
ism, on the contrary, they will consume these engines 
and all who work them. 



Monticello, 1821. 
Nothmg is more certainly written in the book of fate 
than that these people* are to be free; nor is it less certain 
that the two races, equally free, can not live in the same 
government. Nature, habit, opinion have drawn in- 
delible lines of distinction between them. It is still m 
our power to direct the process of emancipation and 
deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degree, as that 
the evil will wear ofif insensibly, and their place be equal- 
ly filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, 
it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder 
at the prospect held up. We should in vain look for an 
example in the Spanish deportation or deletion of the 
Moors. This precedent would fall short of our case. 

•Colored. 



APHORISMS. 



(The following- aphorisms were carefully collected from 
Jefferson's writings. They are eternal truths forcibly 
expressed in a few words.) 



Abuse. 
I. 

It is unfortunate for our peace, that unmerited abuse 
wounds, while unmerited praise has not the power to 
heal. 



Actions. 

2. 

Evil, as well as good actions, recoil on the doers. 

3- 

The waters must always be what are the fountains 
from which they flow. 



Agriculture. 

4- 
With honesty and self-government for her portion, 
agriculture may abandon contentendly to others the 
fruits of commerce and corruption. 



Blessing. 

5- 
An honest heart being the first blessing, a knowing 
head is the second. 



Chord of Compact. 

6. 

However strong the chord of compact may be, there is 
a point of tension at which it will break. 



158 APHORISMS. 

Disease. 

Where the disease is mast deeply seated, there it will 
be slowest in eradication. 



Duty. 
8. 
The patriot, like the Christian, must learn that to bear 
reviling-s and persecutions is a part of his duty; and in 
proportion as the trial is severe, firmness under it be- 
comes more requisite and praiseworthy. 

There is a debt of service due from every man to his 
country, proportioned to the bounties which nature and 
fortune have measured to him. 



Education and Discussion. 

10. 

Big-otry is the disease of ignorance, of morbid minds; 
enthusiasm of the free and buoyant. Education and 
free discussion are the antidotes of both. 



Enemv. 



II. 
An enemy generally says and believes what he wishes. 



Error. 
12. 

It is safer to suppress an error in its first conception, 
than to trust to any after correction. 

13- 

Error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is 
left free to combat it. 



Employment. 

An unprincipled man, let his other fitnesses be what 
they will, ought never to be employed. 



APHORISMS. 159 

Exercise of Power. 

15- 

An honest man can feel no pleasure in the exercise of 
power over his fellow citizens. 

Foreign Intermeddling. 
i6. 
Wretched, indeed, is the nation, in whose affairs for- 
eign powers are once permitted to intermeddle. 

Government. 

17- 

The whole art of government consists in the art of 
being honest. 

1 8. 

Where the law of majority ceases to be acknowledged, 
there government ends, the law of the strongest takes 
its place, and life and property are his who can take them. 

19. 
No government has a legitimate right to do what is 
not for the welfare of the governed. - 

20. 
Responsibility is a tremendous engine in a free gov- 
ernment. 

21. 

Governments are Republican only in proportion as 
they embody the will of their people and execute it. 

22. 
The people are the only censors of their governors. 



Health. 
23- 



The most uninformed mind, with a healthy body, is 
happier than the wisest valetudinarian. 



Hope. 

24. 
Hope is sueeter than despair. 



160 APHORISMS. 

Insult, 

25- 
An insult unpunished is the parent of many others. 

26. 
Acquiescence under insult is not the way to escape war. 



Isolation. 
27. 
Nobody will care for him who cares for nobody 



Liberty. 
28. 
Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. 

29. 

The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time, 
• with the blood of patriots and tyrants. 

30. 
The natural progress of things is for liberty to yield 
and government to gain ground. 

31- 
Light and liberty are on steady advance. 



Mind. 

32. 

In peace as well as in war. the mind must be kept in 
motion. 



Mischief. 

33- 
Mischief may be done negatively as well as positively. 



Misery. 

34- 
This world abounds indeed with misery; to lighten 
its burden, we must divide it with one another. 



APHORISMS. 161 



Modesty. 

35- 
There is modesty often, which does itself injury. 



Office. 

36. 
Every office becoming vacant, every appointment 
made, gives one ingrate and hundred enemies. 



Oppression. 

37- 
Where there is no oppression there will be no pauper 
hirelings. 

38. 
Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and op- 
pressions of body and mind will vanish like evil spirits 
at the dawn of day. 



Perverseness. 

39- 
The brier and bramble can never become the vine and 
olive. 



Pleasure. 

40. 

Pleasure is always before us. but misfortune is at our 
side; while running after that, this arrests us. 

41- 
Do not bite at the bait of pleasure, till you know there 
[s no hook beneath it. 

42. 

Those which depend on ourselves, are the onlv pleas- 
ures a wise man will count on; for nothing is ours, which 
another may deprive us of. Hence the inestimable value 
of intellectual pleasures. 



162 APHORISMS. 

Praise. 

43- 
To give praise where it is not due might be well from 
the venal, but would ill beseem those who are asserting 
the rights of liuman nature. 



Press. 

44- 
Our printers raven on the agonies of their victims, as 
wolves do on the blood of the lamb. 

45- 
Where the press is free, and every man able to read, 
all is safe. 



Punishment. 

46. 
All excess of punishment is a crime. 



Reason. 

47- 
Every man's own reason must be his oracle. 

48. 
Conviction is the efifect of our own dispassionate rea- 
soning. 



Reformation. 

49- 
Reformation is more practicable by operating on the 
mind than on the body of man. 

50. 
Politics, like religion, hold up the torches of martyr- 
dom to the reformers of error. 



Repentance. 

51- 
We often repent of what we have said, but never, 

never of tiiat winch we. have not. 



APHORISMS. 163 

Reputation. 

52. 
Nations, like individuals, wish to enjoy a fair reputa- 
tion. 

53- 
A regard for reputation, and the judgment of the world, 
Tuav sometimes be felt where conscience is dormant, or 
indolence inexcitable. 



ReAvard. 

54- 
The approving voice of our fellow citizens, for en- 
deavors to be useful, is the greatest of all earthlv rewards. 



Right. 

55- 
There is a law in our hearts, and a power in our Iiands, 
given for righteous employment in maintaining right, 
and redressing wrong. 



Ripeness of Age. 

56. 
Man, like the fruit he eats, has his period (if ripeness. 



Science. 

57- 
Science is progressive, and talents and enterprise on 
the alert. 

58. 
]\Tcn of high learning and abilities are few in every 
country. 



Selfishness. 

59- 
Those who want 'the dispositions to give, ea^ilv find 



reasons why they ought not to give. 



164 APHORISMS. 

Speeches. 
60. 
Speeches b}' the hour, die with the hour. 



Strength. 
61. 

We confide in our own strengtli, without boasting of 
it; we respect that of others, without fearing it. 



Truth. 
62. 

'J'ruth advances, and error recedes step by step only. 

63- 
Truth and reason are eternal. 

64. . _ 

Difference of opinion leads to inquiry, and inquiry to 

tiiith. 

65. 
Truth is mighty and will prevail. 

66. 
Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into a 
polluted \ehicle. 

67- 
A fair and honest narrative of the bad, is a voucher 
for the truth of the good. 



Verdict of the Future. 

68. 

Wisdom and dutv dictate an humble resignation to 
the verdict of our future peers. 



Virtue. 
69. 

The essence^ of virtue is doiiio- jjood to others. 



APHORISMS. 165 

70. 

If no action is to be deemed virtuous for which malice 
can imagine a sinister motive, then there never was a 
virtuous action. 



Weakness. 

71- 
The wise know their weakness too well to assume in- 
fallibility; and he who knows most, knows best how little 
he knows. 

We can not always do what is absolutely best. 

73- 
• Man is not made to be trusted for life, if secured 
against all liability to account. 



Wrong Doing. 

74- 
To do wrong is a melancholy resource even where 
retaliation renders it indispensably necessary. 



Liberty or Servitude. 

75- 
WE MUST MAKE OUR ELECTION BETWEEN 
ECONOMY AND LIBERTY, OR PROFUSION 
AND SERVITUDE. 



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